Those related to Yolanda Díaz gain power and Podemos is tied to Sumar for money

A week after saving the results and remaining in a decisive position to appoint ministers for the new and “better”, they say, version of the coalition government, one of the conclusions of Sumar's first electoral adventure is that the policy of alliances of Yolanda Díaz was decisive in sustaining the fall of the space of the alternative left to the PSOE. In the scenario of the regional elections in May, with a dispersion of the vote, Sumar would have left several of his 31 seats and, with that, the right could have achieved a majority in Congress.

CONVERGENCE OF 15

Resorting to the saying: the union made strength. And that means that Díaz was right when it came to proposing as one of its axes to reunify all that space in the same candidacy after the traumatic 2016-2019 legislature.. That coalition led by Pablo Iglesias fell apart in a self-destructive dynamic that, in addition to expelling talent and hundreds of thousands of voters, left a devastating map of splits and broken relationships, even irreconcilable.

Sumar presented itself to 23-J as a coalition of 15 forces, the largest known alliance, and for the first time Podemos stopped leading to be relegated to a role, in the words of Ione Belarra, “modest”. Without this change of roles, Más Madrid, Compromís or Chunta would never have entered the project and the results would be different.

ONLY FIVE IN PURPLE

Unlike Podemos, the rest of Díaz's allies emerge from these elections as winners, with representation in most cases and with their position reinforced in the coalition.. To the detriment of Podemos, reduced to only five deputies in a group of 31, where all, except the purple ones, in view of the statements by Iglesias and Echenique, go in one direction.

MADRID, VALENCIA, ARAGON

The regional elections are very different from the general ones, but due to the proximity of both processes, the jump from Podemos to Sumar in two months is striking. The 28-M made visible an emotional rupture of the left-wing voter who left the purple without representation in Madrid and Valencia or at a minimum in parliaments where he governed (Aragón, Baleares, Canarias…). In all these cases, Díaz's candidacy manages to stop the bleeding and the transfer of voters to the PSOE to get its revenue in seats with the entry of new political actors into the equation.

In the Community of Madrid, Sumar obtained 550,000 ballots, some 90,000 more than Unidas Podemos in the 2019 general elections. It is true that he loses votes and one seat if Más País is taken into account (two deputies and 200,000 votes), but the situation has little to do with that. In the regional elections in May, the purples had 159,000 votes compared to 615,100 for Más Madrid. And Sumar has managed to ensure that the socialist vote given to Más Madrid stays in that alternative space despite the PSOE-PP polarization.

The same thing happens in the Valencian Community, where Sumar ties up a good part of the regional vote that Compromís (349,000) and Unidas Podemos (85,500). Díaz's candidacy had almost 400,000 votes on 23-J, 35,000 less than those of 28-M, but thanks to unity he took the last seat in Valencia by surprise. The third for them in that constituency.

In Aragon, Sumar won 86,944 votes, some 7,000 more ballots than those achieved by Chunta Aragonesista, IU and Podemos separately in the regional elections. In 2019, Podemos-IU had around 75,000 voters and CHA, 23,000.

GARZÓN TIES IGLESIAS

Another of the winners of the day was IU. It has five deputies in the parliamentary group. the same as we can. This places IU for the first time at the same level as the purple ones. With the difference that, given the harmony that exists with Díaz, IU is positioned to perform relevant functions. For example, Enrique Santiago, called to hold positions of responsibility, in the Government, where he was Secretary of State, or in the leadership of the Congress group, where he can show off his facet as a negotiator.

ADA COLAU

In the first drawer of the podium would be the common. The Catalan candidacy is the final winner after having repeated the seven seats in 2019 and promises to play a decisive role in this legislature. The election of Aina Vidal, her boss, as a representative in the spokespersons debate on RTVE places her as the favorite to lead or, at least have, a front-row role in Sumar's group in Congress. The common ones come strong and in the internal pools they are placed with a ministry.

REMATCH

This strength of commons, IU, Más Madrid and Compromís (two deputies each) and the Chunta (one) is at the expense of Podemos. The purple tantrum presenting as negative results that unleash euphoria in others reflects how badly they digest their new situation and that they expected a setback that would reposition them to settle accounts with Díaz.

CLEAVAGE?

That threat flies over, but Podemos is still tied to the fact that it receives 23% of the money that Sumar enters. And the party, after 28-M, has a forecast of subsidies that scares. Podemos will have to submit to the disciplinary mechanisms signed with Díaz, even if it asks for “political autonomy”. And his plans to enter the Government dwindle due to the bad relationship with Sumar. It will be different for the figures with purple cards (Nacho Álvarez, Alejandra Jacinto…) who have integrated rowing in favor, in the campaign, of the new candidacy. Those do have a future.