He is one of the Andalusian socialist leaders with the most projection once Susana Díaz's stage is over and the one with the most territorial power in the autonomous community after the municipal elections in May.. Framed in the sector related to Sánchez that today controls Andalusian socialism, he is general secretary of the PSOE of Seville, one of the groups that has historically exercised the most influence at the federal level, as well as mayor of La Rinconada and president of the Provincial Council.

Will there be an amnesty law to satisfy Catalan separatism in the investiture negotiations? To begin with, it is worth not forgetting that we are now in Feijóo's time, although he acts more as an opposition than as a candidate for the investiture. He is disrespecting the Spanish people, his own party and the mandate of the Crown. That is, when he is not dedicated to promoting a kind of transfuguism in the search for support. And transfuguism is corruption. Okay. And, if an amnesty law is negotiated, what will be your position? The Socialist Party is exploring all possibilities to generate a government within the framework of the Constitution. We have talked about dialogue, we have talked about coexistence and we have talked about stability within the constitutional framework. But there are many leaders within the PSOE who are showing their concern about the possibility of an amnesty law and even about the possibility of negotiating an amnesty law. redefinition of a new asymmetric state of autonomies. Let's see, they are two different debates. The Andalusian PSOE has always said that in Andalusia we do not want to be more than anyone, but neither do we want to be less than anyone. That is to say, for us there are red lines when addressing issues that have to do with territorial equality and the rights and obligations established by the Constitution of all Spaniards, wherever they live.. That is the line that the general secretary of the PSOE of Andalusia has marked and we cannot, should not, and do not want to move from there.. Regarding the amnesty law, within the constitutional framework we can talk about everything. Are there no red lines with the amnesty, then? Our red lines are dialogue and coexistence. A president has the right and the obligation to try to achieve a climate of coexistence, a scenario of harmony among all Spaniards.. This is not about Puigdemont, but about seeking a global agreement of coexistence with a large part of Catalonia that must be encouraged to feel integrated.. What cannot be is that, when the PSOE speaks with the nationalist parties, then we destroy Spain, but, if it is the right that needs its support, then it refers to them as “patriotic peripheral nationalisms”. Not all criticism comes from the PP. There are some socialist leaders, some barons in office, who have positioned themselves against. Is there a risk of rupture in the Socialist Party? This is a very democratic party, the most democratic there is. Well, this week we have witnessed the expulsion of Nicolás Redondo Terreros. Look, this party has been subjected to some internal primary battles, with 200,000 militants throughout Spain. And during these processes we have split into two and three chunks but the match has never been broken.. Nicolás Redondo left the party before they kicked him out, because he had been in ideological political positions for some time that were the opposite of the positions of the Socialist Party.. Military in the PSOE demands two things: that one identifies ideologically with the majority of its postulates and also a minimum discipline and a minimum respect for the leaders whose turn it is at all times to direct the interests of an organization that has 144 years of existence. history.Felipe González remembers that Nicolás Redondo 'father' had staged a general strike and that it did not occur to him to take away his PSOE card. Was that a more plural PSOE? Times have changed for everyone. The Socialist Party of 144 years ago is not the Socialist Party of 30 years ago and it is not the Socialist Party of today. We have been evolving with the times. And the socialist leaders of the 80s also had to make very tough decisions for this country: industrial reconversion, entry into NATO. The change of opinion of those leaders about NATO raised a part of the organization that had a more pacifist profile. But there was a strong internal debate and the PSOE did not break. The PSOE is like Spain: it never breaks. We analyze, discuss and listen to our elders but we do not always agree with what they say. In any case, can expulsion be understood as a warning to sailors? Let's see, it is not the same. In the case of Nicolás Redondo, it rains in the wet. If you have participated in Isabel Díaz Ayuso rallies! The Socialist Party does not carry out internal purges. Now, when you are part of an organization, even if it is Cáritas or the school's AMPA, there are statutes to assume.. And we can also expect a minimum commitment to the ideology of that organization. The PP of Juanma Moreno seems willing to give warmth to the sociological heritage of Felipismo. Moreno Bonilla acts much more as president of the PP than as president of Andalusia.. In these five years he has put more effort into confrontation than into finding solutions to the community's major problems.. Juanma Moreno is a right-wing president and proposes right-wing policies. Nobody from the Socialist Party can identify with Moreno Bonilla's policies. And hearing him say that he was moved by a González rally in La Malagueta is the height of posturing. Well, it seems that it is working for him. Have you analyzed the Juanma Moreno phenomenon well? Look, we do the analysis by looking at ourselves. The PSOE, in the last general elections in Andalusia, with 1,450,000 votes, has shown that it has much more than electoral soil. There are a lot of people out there waiting for us and, when we are able to send a message of hope, those citizens look for the Socialist Party ballot, because they know that it is the party that best represents them.. Many citizens have been angry with the PSOE for a long time and Juanma Moreno has obviously known how to take advantage of that situation.. But people are beginning to realize that they have done nothing to improve their lives, because there are no employment plans, because the roads are a mess and because neither primary care nor health waiting lists are better today than five years ago. years. Managing is not taking the Next Generation funds and removing the logo of the Government and the EU to put that of the Board. The Andalusian PSOE has gone through a desert journey, and has also scored some own goals. But he has begun to rebuild his space and his project. Is Pedro Sánchez making it difficult for the Sanchistas? I say this because many socialist mayors believe that they have lost votes because of the national debate and not because of their management. Everything clearly affects, in one way or another. But he who has lost the elections in his town and looks for those responsible outside, that is a bad loser.. There are many towns in the province of Seville, such as Alcalá or Dos Hermanas, where we have grown up. Politics is increasingly complex and it is difficult to explain some issues. But Pedro Sánchez and the policies of his government are today the main asset of the Socialist Party. But it gives the impression that voting for the PSOE is giving a blank check to Pedro Sánchez, because his commitments during the duration of the electoral campaign. And I refer again to the territorial debate and the amnesty. Governing is very complicated and doing so with such a fragmented Parliament is even more complicated.. But sometimes you have to choose between a bad solution and an even worse one.. Does anyone think that Zapatero wanted to lower the salaries of civil servants by 5%? No. But we had to choose between that or letting Spain be intervened.. The question that must be asked is: Is Catalonia better today than 5 years ago? The independence movement is at its lowest levels in the history of Catalonia. But it has more capacity to influence decision-making. We will see about that. The Popular Party also had the opportunity to try to solve the territorial problem and did not do so.. The right continues to think that power belongs to it, like the anthem, the Constitution or the King. And that when the socialists govern it is a kind of anomaly. You represent the most powerful federation of the PSOE and, however, it gives the impression that the voice of the Andalusian PSOE has less strength today than ever, perhaps because of its alignment with the official speech of the party. The Andalusian PSOE has always been on the official line. The PSOE of Andalusia has always played as the backbone of the PSOE of Spain. The most loyal general secretary, most aligned with the federal theses and who has most consolidated the PSOE projects in Spain has been Manolo Chaves. And no one has questioned then the alignment that existed between the PSOE of Andalusia and the PSOE of Spain. People have the right to disagree, but also to agree. And we are convinced that the best thing that can happen to Spain is that there is a progressive government. That is also having your own voice. Is Juan Espadas' leadership in question? Not at all. He is the general secretary because he won democratic and legitimate primaries. And I think it has been gaining solvency and solidity.. The eight provincial secretaries have closed ranks around their leadership and around their speech on the equality of the territories. That flag is ours and we will never let it go because we believe in it. Why is Seville so far behind in essential infrastructure? Look, the SE-40 project, which is what Greater Seville has to articulate, had it the PP kept in a drawer for seven years. We are going to put pressure on the Government of Spain from the Socialist Party so that the deadlines are met. In the period 2028-2030 it should be complete. Investment in the Metro has also been unlocked, which would not have been possible without the Government of Spain. And we urgently need to develop new areas of logistical opportunity and a public housing plan that provides solutions for our young people. The Provincial Council of Seville has a budget of 535 million euros and we have to be able to change realities. Málaga has become a very powerful brand in attracting investments and projects. Is there something to learn from your model? Málaga and Seville have complementary projects because one has potentialities and singularities that the other does not have. I think that the Seville brand is very consolidated in the tourism field. The challenge is to project Seville's business brand. It must be shown that Seville is the best place to invest.

The purge orchestrated by Podemos and Izquierda Unida against Teresa Rodríguez and eight other deputies of the Andalusian left in the fall of 2020 found unexpected allies of convenience in the rest of the parties in the Autonomous Chamber. Due to circumstances unrelated to the internal war that broke out in the parliamentary group of Adelante Andalucía (where IU and Podemos were then integrated), both the PSOE and Ciudadanos, and also – although to a lesser extent – the PP and Vox. It was convenient for them to tie up the most disruptive deputies in the legislature, which ended up forging into an unnatural alliance that, with the alibi of the fight against transfuguism, curtailed the constitutional rights of the retaliated parliamentarians and of the voters to whom represented, as the Constitutional Court ruled this week.

The Adelante Andalucía deputy José Ignacio García defined this Wednesday the operation as a “blasting of the Andalusian left”, orchestrated by Podemos and Izquierda Unida to get rid of Teresa Rodríguez, with the interested complicity of the rest of the groups in the Chamber .

That operation not only served to take away the rights of nine deputies (two more also subsequently left the group of origin voluntarily) but has left a trail of alleged unconstitutionality in the express reform of Parliament that was carried out later to give power almost absolute to the leadership of the parties in the control of the parliamentary groups.

From the “friendly” breakup to the purge

The leadership of Podemos, still in the hands of Pablo Iglesias, was urged to take control of the organization in Andalusia in 2020 after the departure of Teresa Rodríguez, who had been its leader and electoral reference until then.. Although the breakup was initially presented in a “friendly” manner, internal tensions soon came to light, given that the main source of financing for political parties comes from the aid received by parliamentary groups.. Teresa Rodríguez continued to control the Parliament's subsidy, which had to be distributed proportionally with the deputies of Izquierda Unida (6), then also integrated into the Adelante Andalucía group.. In total, the group had 2 million euros per year for hiring personnel and financing operating expenses.

In parallel, the unrest grew due to the belligerent attitude of Teresa Rodríguez's deputies against the coalition pact that Unidas Podemos had signed with Pedro Sánchez's PSOE.. It was therefore imperative for IU and Podemos to also intervene in the content of the messages.. The war for money and control of social networks became public that summer and broke out when the parliamentary group's deputy spokesperson, Inmaculada Nieto (IU), temporarily took over the reins during Teresa Rodríguez's maternity leave.. Nieto launched the expulsion maneuver, raising the following argument in a letter addressed to the Parliament Board: If Teresa Rodríguez had left Podemos without leaving her record as a deputy, she had to be treated as a turncoat, which is why she was expelled from the group. parliamentary. Hers and that of eight more deputies who were also no longer in Podemos.

The Parliament Bureau completed the expulsion despite the many doubts that the operation raised (throughout the process, with more than one vote, the PP ended up abstaining and others voted out of obedience to the leadership of their party and made it known) and despite the fact that the lawyers issued several reports warning of the possible violation of constitutional rights, in addition to its difficult fit in the Regulations of Parliament.

The party that showed the most interest in the expulsion, apart from IU, was the PSOE, which saw in Teresa Rodríguez a threat to the image of the coalition government that had just been born, since the Cádiz deputy had always reneged on the pacts with the socialists. “We are not going to be the crutch of the PSOE's old age,” the leader of Adelante had repeated ad nauseam.. The Andalusian PSOE knew that if the main party to its left continued to be led by the leader of the Anticapitalists, it would never find in it the ally it needed to regain power from the Junta of Andalusia.

It was then that work on a new version of the National Anti-Transfugal Pact was accelerated, redefining the profile of the turncoat so that the case of Teresa Rodríguez would fit that definition like a glove.

Ciudadanos contributed to this reinforcement of the control measures of the party apparatuses given that their debacle was beginning to be a reality and a rout of elected officials such as the one that subsequently occurred was feared.. We had to cut back on the discs and establish containment measures.

Dissident or transfugee

The document written by the parties signing the Antitransfuguism Pact practically equated the dissident with the transfugee. And this model of control of the party apparatus over the activity and means of the parliamentary groups was transferred to the Regulations of Parliament in an express reform that would serve to give legality to what had already been applied in a very summary manner to the deputies. of Teresa Rodríguez, stripping them of their rights as parliamentarians and condemning them to the category of “non-attached deputies” in the autonomous Chamber.

Curiously, the Popular Party has subsequently welcomed into its organization and placed dozens of Citizens' officials in institutional positions without the Anti-Transfuguism Pact that it helped to reinforce having represented any type of restriction.. In fact, Marta Bosquet, who presided over the Andalusian Parliament and, therefore, the Board that carried out the expulsion of the Adelante Andalucía deputies for turncoats, is today president of the Andalusian Institute for Agricultural and Fisheries Research and Training, appointed by the Government of Juanma Moreno.

The Constitutional Court has admitted the appeal for protection presented by the nine deputies of Adelante Andalucía and considers that the expulsion violated their rights as elected representatives of the citizens, in addition to contravening the Rules of the Chamber. Among other issues, the TC recalls that there is jurisprudence that makes it clear that political parties are different entities from parliamentary groups and, therefore, the expulsion of a party is not enough for a forced separation of the parliamentary group to occur.. An identification that the reform of the regulations enshrined and, therefore, could be considered equally unconstitutional.

As is known, after a fight with IU and Podemos, Teresa Rodríguez managed to keep the Adelante Andalucía brand and ran again in the 2022 elections under those acronyms, obtaining two deputies.. After a few months, she left her record and returned to her teaching position at a secondary school in Cádiz.

They ask for the resignation of Inmaculada Nieto

Those who today represent Adelante Andalucía in the Andalusian Parliament are José Ignacio García and Maribel Mora, who this Wednesday asked Parliament for reparation for the deputies whose rights were “unfairly, undemocratically and illegally” curtailed. “They sought the civil death of Teresa Rodríguez and they did not even care that this meant the dismissal of 20 workers from the parliamentary group.”

José Ignacio García expressly requested the resignation of the IU deputy Inmaculada Nieto (today spokesperson for Por Andalucía), whom he considers the executor of the internal purge. “The spokesperson for Por Andalucía, Inmaculada Nieto, is politically disqualified and should resign because she was responsible for blowing up the Andalusian left,” he stated.

Teresa Rodríguez herself returned to Parliament to announce her intention to denounce the members of the Parliament Board who approved the expulsion against the criteria of Parliament's lawyers for prevarication.

The controversy over the PP's willingness to sit at the table with Junts to address the investiture of Alberto Núñez Feijóo, which began just a week after the 23-J elections, returns like a boomerang less than two weeks after the candidate popular is submitted to the scrutiny of Congress and threatens the internal coexistence of a divided party in Catalonia.

The leader of the conservatives in Barcelona City Council, Daniel Sirera, yesterday became the first leader to openly acknowledge having been involved in any of those contacts.. Although the president of the PP in the region, Alejandro Fernández, opposes dialogue with JxCat, Sirera polled at least three members of Carles Puigdemont's party (two Barcelona councilors and a former deputy) about their demands in relation to the constitution of the Lower House Board, which occurred a month ago, and an investiture whose session is scheduled for next September 26 and 27.

Sirera's confession – who limited contacts to informal talks at various public events – came a few hours after Fernández expressed for the umpteenth time his rejection of any type of negotiation with the post-convergents and stated that he is not willing to bow down despite being questioned by the national leadership. In a conference given on Thursday, with which he sought to establish a profile, he declared himself “a free man without guardianship” and warned against possible “hesitation or ambiguity” regarding the independence movement.

For the third time since the elections, Fernández challenges any possibility of entering into negotiations with Junts. Already at the end of July, after the deputy secretary of regional coordination of the PP, Pedro Rollán, only closed the doors to speak with Bildu, the Catalan leader replied that “with a fugitive from Justice (for Puigdemont) there is nothing to negotiate » and that «if Pedro Sánchez does it it is because he lacks scruples and limits».

A little over two weeks ago, the president of the popular Catalans once again called attention to the national leadership after a new verbal approach to JxCat and questioned whether there was anything to talk about with a party that he defined as his rival and ” whose essential thesis is that Spain is a dictatorship led by a fascist King.

GONZÁLEZ PONS-TURULL MEETING?

Fernández's new pulse comes just after Feijóo's recent words in which he acknowledged that members of his party “have listened to some of Junts' approaches.”. In Genoa, yesterday they denied any contact with the independence movement. “No one has spoken with Junts formally,” stressed sources from the PP leadership to, among other “rumors”, rule out that the deputy secretary general of the party, Esteban González Pons, met with the general secretary of JxCat, Jordi Turull. , mid-August. The post-convergents, for their part, did not want to make any comment on this assumption..

The popular ones assert that there has been no “interlocutor” with the Puigdemont formation before the constitution of the Table and that, after that step, the only person in charge of the conversations was Cuca Gamarra. The PP tries, in this way, to dispel any insinuation of this type regarding the relevance of the next two weeks, first with the “great act” on the 24th that the conservatives are preparing in Madrid against a possible amnesty for those accused of the process and, 48 hours later, with the investiture session to which Feijóo will undergo, condemned to failure.

The PP's war in Catalonia, however, will continue in the coming months, at least until a congress is held that does not yet have a date.. With his demonstrations, Fernández shows his willingness to continue leading the party despite the obstacle posed by the opposition of Feijóo and his team, who have the mayor of Castelldefels, Manu Reyes, as their main stiletto, given that MEP Dolors Montserrat shows preferences to remain in Brussels.

Sponsored by the old families of the Catalan conservatives, such as the brothers Jorge and Alberto Fernández Díaz, Reyes, who currently holds the position of provincial leader in Barcelona, has among his credentials the great citizen support that he has managed to attract in his town by winning the last four elections. Last June, he recovered the baton of Castelldefels after two mandates in which the multiparty pacts between socialists, commoners and independence left the popular ones in the opposition. On the other hand, he does not enjoy the same support among the Catalan PP militancy, mostly in favor of Fernández's continuity.