The PSOE, just after completing the count of 28-M, clung to an extrapolation of results to keep up the discourse that the PP would not be able to win the general elections on 23-J. They argued that their loss of votes -400,000 compared to 2019- was not an insurmountable obstacle to the comeback. They pointed out that in many municipalities the majority was left for only one councilor and that in some autonomies they surpassed the PP -Extremadura or the Canary Islands- or increased their harvest -in the Valencian Community- although insufficient to stand up to the rush of the right-wing bloc. That desire, to cover the bleeding of 28-M, was nevertheless fulfilled on 23-J. What the socialists cannot ignore is that their loss of regional power was enormous. And that hole is gigantic in power -as opposed to Pedro Sánchez if he is invested- and it is also quantifiable: in money -political capacity- and seats -organic support of the parties-.

A review of the turnaround that occurred in the Communities shows a figure of 77,700 million euros that would now be managed by the popular and more than 2,000 positions among senior positions, trusted personnel and possible pending relief.. A booty already shared with Vox, but at least substantially, in three communities, after the signing of the agreement in Aragon this Friday.

They have changed their political sign La Rioja, in which the popular ones obtained an absolute majority; Extremadura, in which the PSOE won in votes but tied in seats with the PP, which was saved from electoral repetition after ceding to Vox; Cantabria, where the PP won and benefited from an abstention from the PRC; Canary Islands, where the PP closed an agreement to govern with the Canary Islands Coalition despite having won the PSOE; Aragón, where the PP won widely; Valencian Community, in which the popular won without discussion and have already agreed to the government with Vox and the Balearic Islands, where the PP-Vox tandem also exceeds the absolute majority, although those of Santiago Abascal have not managed to force their entry into the Government.

In all these territories, power is transferred from the PSOE to the PP, moving with it the Budget and government organization charts. The popular ones are made in this way with a preponderant presence in a good part of the territory with the capacity to manage and distribute jobs and salaries. A faculty that comes to add to the one that they already have in the Community of Madrid, where they have won with a large absolute majority; in Andalusia and Galicia, where elections were not held in 2023 but in which they have had full power since the last elections; and in Castilla y León and the Region of Murcia, in the first one already ruling in alliance with Vox and, in the second, repeating victory and pending peace with Vox.

The Valencian Community, the main objective of the two big parties in the 28-M elections, is the one that has transferred the most power to the PP. More than 30,000 million budget and a thousand long positions appointed by the Socialists divided between the presidency, two vice-presidencies and nine ministries, all of them with a multitude of positions distributed in general directorates and sub-directors, secretariats, services, consultancies, institutes, entities and organizations public. The organization chart with Mazón was not closed and although he promised to reduce it, the previous dimension is juicy.

BALEARIC ISLANDS, SECOND HIGHEST

In the Balearic Islands, the popular inherited the second highest budget, with 15,226 million. The number of charges at all levels that could be relieved amounted to more than 200. However, the list of positions included in its organization chart was lower than that of Aragon, where uncertainty remained until last Thursday night.. The community governed until 28-M by Javier Lambán will hand over to PP-Vox the management of a budget of 8,250 million and almost 300 positions to relieve.

The second autonomy with the highest budget is that of the Canary Islands Community, with 11,059 million in the current year. However, despite this figure, it is one of the most austere in terms of occupied positions: CC and PP had to share 113 from the start.

Extremadura, for its part, has 7,776 million and 237 seats that until now were occupied by the Executive of Guillermo Fernández Vara. Cantabria transferred a budget of 3,507 million and 133 positions, while the Executive of La Rioja, with the most modest budget -1,824 million-, included 120 jobs.

However, and despite this legacy, the new popular executives will have to accommodate themselves in the remainder of the year to the forecasts of expenses and income designed by the respective previous socialist governments.. As of 2024 that will change and it will be the PP that manages the communities in accordance with its general principle that is committed to low taxes, the incentive to private initiative and the promotion of business activity. The main subject that they will have to face is to demonstrate that with this formula there is no deterioration of public services.

And in the field of the dimension of the political apparatus, it remains to be seen if the new autonomous governments in the hands of the popular ones follow the maxim of austerity defended by Alberto Núñez Feijóo for the central Executive. The PP leader accused Sánchez of designing an elephantine government thus triggering political spending and promised, if he won the elections on 23-J, to suppress and group ministries, without exceeding fortnight.

The future president of Aragon never hid his desire to govern alone. He repeated it over and over again during the campaign for the regional elections and, after winning them resoundingly, although six seats shy of an absolute majority, Jorge Azcón (PP) asked the rest of the parties represented in Parliament, including the PSOE, to abstained from his inauguration in order to constitute a “focused and moderate” regional Executive.

The one who had to pick up the gauntlet on the bench of the main opposition group was precisely one of the most critical socialist barons with the political extremes, both on the right and on the left, and who in 2016 internally aligned himself with those in his ranks who opposed the It is not for Pedro Sánchez to pave, with one abstention, the path of the popular Mariano Rajoy to La Moncloa to avoid a second electoral repetition. In Javier Lambán's team, however, they maintain that the request was never formally processed.

“First Azcón said that he would have a government with the PAR and Teruel Exists and now he has agreed with Vox. He considered that he governed with one or the other, he did not need us,” they explain from the environment of the still acting regional president. And would the circumstances be different if there had been a firm request for abstention? “Azcón has always been disqualifying us and throwing lies. This is impossible”, they settle.

In any case, the national leadership of the PSOE itself would have predictably rejected an agreement of these characteristics when the leader of the PP, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, is trying to assert his status as winner of the general elections to ask Sánchez to facilitate his investiture. This same week Ferraz has paralyzed a budding agreement between the socialists of Ceuta and the popular Juan Jesús Vivas, who even adding an absolute majority with the Vox deputies does not want to agree with them so as not to put coexistence in the autonomous city at risk, with a 40% Muslim population.

fourth coalition

Aragon will thus inaugurate the fourth regional government of which Santiago Abascal's party is a part after those of Extremadura, the Valencian Community and Castilla y León. The last pact is the most ideologized of those signed. It includes measures such as the repeal of the Autonomous Democratic Memory Law and the reform of the Law on Gender Identity and Expression and Social Equality and Non-Discrimination, approved for the protection of the transsexual community..

On gender violence, the agreement speaks of “macho violence”, an advance compared to the expression “eradicate macho discourses”, which also appears, as in the Balearic Islands and Extremadura. Unlike the latter, in Aragon they cite “domestic violence” twice, Vox's preference.

“The pact inaugurates a reactionary stage of inequality and annulment of rights and freedoms,” said Lambán this Friday, who will not lead the opposition, but has marked “three missions” for the party: “Oppose the announced decisions, defend the 2015 legacy -2023 and prepare the alternative for 2027”.

No regionalist parties

After the scrutiny of 28-M, the PP prevailed with 28 deputies followed by the PSOE, with 23. The most fragmented regional Parliament in Spain is completed by Vox (7), La Chunta (3), Teruel Existe (3) and Podemos, IU and PAR (one seat each).. The coalition formula with the party of Santiago Abascal for which Azcón has finally ended up opting gives him an absolute majority in the Cortes.

This will be the first legislature in which no regionalist party will be part of the Government of Aragon, which has a long history of agreements between political parties. Until now, even in the legislatures of the bulging majorities of the socialist Marcelino Iglesias, or the Chunta -left nationalist- or the PAR -center-right-, even both, as in the quadripartite of this last legislature, had had a share of power in the Pignatelli Building.

The reactivation of the debate on the regional financing model has caught Andalusia with its homework well done. The regional Parliament agreed in 2018 on a common position, endorsed by all the parties that were then represented in the Chamber, except one, Ciudadanos, which is no longer in the assembly. PP and PSOE, therefore, have, a priori, a document signed by both parties to defend a joint position.

But what should be an advantage for Andalusia can become a threat to the interests of Pedro Sánchez in the negotiation of his investiture. Because the political fronts have changed and the one who then led that demand, María Jesús Montero, is today the (acting) minister with the task of putting together a proposal that allows the PSOE to win the support of Catalan separatism even at the risk of setting fire to the relationships with other communities.

Montero will have to juggle this negotiation if he wants to serve the interests of Sánchez well.. But, on the other hand, if Andalusia is harmed again by this new distribution, the doors could be definitively closing to a return to regional politics to replace Juan Espadas.

At the time that agreement was negotiated, the Board was chaired by Susana Díaz and the Government, by Mariano Rajoy. Today the PSOE is in the central Executive (acting) and the PP presides over the autonomous government with an absolute majority. In the five years that have elapsed since that parliamentary pact, the status quo has taken a radical turn pending what happens with the investiture of Pedro Sánchez.

The agreement that Montero championed in Andalusia and to which the PP of Juanma Moreno joined claimed up to 4,000 million euros more per year for the autonomous community. The negotiated text was based on the fact that to cover the costs of the fundamental public services system in Spain as a whole, an extra injection of some 16,000 million euros more per year was required, a figure that was calculated taking into account what the cost of these services in the years 2014 and 2015.

In order to achieve financial sufficiency, it was proposed to maintain the assignment of 50 percent of personal income tax and raise the percentages of assignment of VAT and that of Special Taxes to 70 percent.. The possibility of what the document calls a “vertical transfer” of resources or, what amounts to the same thing, an increase in the participation of communities in State revenues, was also left open, in the conviction that, in Currently, the State has a disproportionate slice of the pie based on the volume of its powers.

In order to distribute the funds among the autonomous communities, the agreement proposed a revision of the concept of “adjusted population”, so that it would come as close as possible to the real, “by law” population of the communities. The “adjusted population” is the result of applying a series of corrective parameters to the “entitled” population so as to take into account the particular circumstances of each community that may affect the final cost of services, such as insularity, in the case of the Balearic and Canary Islands, or the age of the population. In fact, the Government of Juanma Moreno advanced from its position in the same direction as the Community of Madrid, eliminating the Inheritance tax by way of bonuses and reducing the Heritage tax to a minimum.

In any case, that Parliament agreement gave the PP additional legitimacy when it came to demanding a change in the law that regulates the financing of the autonomous communities, since when it signed the pact with Susana Díaz it did so despite that this meant increasing the pressure on the government of Mariano Rajoy.

Later, with Sánchez in Moncloa, the PP highlighted the contradictions of Minister Montero, unable to defend in the Council of Ministers the agreement that she had promoted in the Andalusian Parliament. In the same way, the Government of Juanma Moreno had no political reservations to seek alliances with other communities then governed by the PSOE, such as the Valencian one, to claim a joint position of force against the immobility of the central Executive. And this despite the fact that the debate generates a strong conflict of interest for the leadership of the PP because not all the communities governed by the popular supporters defend the same negotiation model.

The signing of the government agreement in Aragon, staged this Friday by PP and Vox, has multiple readings beyond the political “change” that came out of the polls on May 28. The first, in a regional key, is the absence of the future president, Jorge Azcón, in the heading after his intention to govern alone failed.. He previously tried the pact path with Teruel Existe and the PAR, which left him with two of the majority, but Vox's blockade, with its seven, has been stronger. The second, in a national key, is the alliance between the formations of the center to the right, which already accumulate four autonomous coalition governments and a programmatic agreement in the Balearic Islands, in the absence of the resolution of Murcia. And the third, internally, the appropriation of the story of the pacts by the party of Santiago Abascal against the low profile of the popular.

Because while the president of Vox boasted, minutes after signing the alliance, that the program of his formation “will be reasonably included in the policies of Aragon” to “raise dams against the threats of Sánchez and his accomplices”, his counterpart in the PP , Alberto Núñez Feijóo, and his leadership focused on the blockade of the PSOE to a joint government in Ceuta, a controversy that was diluted as interest turned towards Zaragoza, precisely, due to the absence of Azcón. Not a single mention from high places, beyond a tweet from Azcón himself: «We are beginning a new stage. We are advancing to give Aragon a Government of change, to take care of the Aragonese and to put Aragon above all else.

Meanwhile, the left strove again to link Feijóo with “the extreme right”. The PSOE spokesperson, Pilar Alegría, pointed out that the PP “has forever united” its path to Vox and its candidate “has not even shown its face”. Alegría anticipates a line of attack on Feijóo that will return to him throughout the legislature, if, as seems foreseeable, he acts as opposition leader. “They continue to carry out the pacts of shame with Vox where they govern, agreeing to the setback, synchronized and camouflaged,” attacked the Secretary of Organization, Santos Cerdán.

From 23-J, the PP left doubtful about its walk with Vox. Juanma Moreno, the Andalusian baron, was clear in an interview in this newspaper last Sunday, where he asked to look less in “the rear-view mirror on the right”.. The Andalusian and Ayuso, although in another sense, ask for leadership before Vox like the ones they exercise successfully. But the pact in Aragon, far from exhibiting a new firmness, presents the PP diluted. “He has not even shown his face,” Alegría said, to exploit that mantra that the PP lives with a complex about Vox; “ashamed”, in the words of Cerdán.

Sources from Genoa justified that “the PP leaderships in each territory have autonomy to seek the best governance agreements for their regions”, as has happened in Aragon, Extremadura, the Valencian Community or Castilla y León – this more than a year ago, just upon the arrival of Feijóo to the Presidency-. And, certainly, in each place it has developed in a different way. Hurried in Valencia, ordeal back in Extremadura and frustration in Aragon, where what arithmetic had denied was promised.

Definitive governments of the CCAAs

They have also been different in public expression. In all of them, with the exception of yesterday, the party leaders were present at the final moment. María Guardiola from Extremadura did it, despite the previous controversy; Alfonso Fernández Mañueco did it in Castilla y León and the Valencian Carlos Mazón did it, who did not appear in the heading but was at the meeting from which the agreement came out. The last image of Azcón with the regional leader of Vox, Alejandro Nolasco, dates from June 13, during the round of contacts.

The popular spokesperson, Ana Alós, assured in the press conference after the signing, that in Aragon “what has been done in other autonomous communities such as the Balearic Islands” has been done.. But there, the radical right party is not within the government.

Sources close to the Aragonese president do not give importance to this factor and defend that it means placing their leader “above”, equating his spokesman with a vice president.. “You can think whatever, but in the government the one in charge is the president,” say the same sources, who assess that the agreement is “better” than those of Mañueco and Mazón, because Vox has fewer ministries. But the ideological burden is greater, even higher than that of the Balearic Islands, where it was signed without Vox being able to control it from within.. «They are areas where the ideological battle cannot be waged, of pure management. It is a measured agreement, where they command little and their vice presidency is three united general directorates, ”say PP sources consulted by EL MUNDO.

In the popular part, within this agreement, it is also valued positively that Vox “accepts the term macho violence”, which appears twice -as intra-family violence, a terminology defended by those of Abascal- and that the president will appoint the general director of the Institute of Women to Marifé Antoñanzas, until now councilor for Equality of Citizens in the Zaragoza City Council that Azcón directed, to give a “pedigree” to an area that may come into conflict with his partner. “Vox has to land in reality and it will be seen that they are not capable of imposing their agenda because we are not going to give in even once,” remark sources from the PP of Aragon, who insist on a leadership that they did not display in public yesterday. They also add that a red line was placed on the transfer of the Ebro, which Vox had in its program, even threatening to repeat the elections.

It does promise to repeal the Autonomous Democratic Memory Law; reform the Trans-autonomous Law; suppress the General Directorate of Language Policy and eliminate all aid in this matter to non-profit entities or provide direct aid to farmers and ranchers against drought, in a wink to attract support from the PAR.

A bizarre murder that occurred on a Thai island with a Spaniard as the protagonist: Daniel Sancho, son of actor Rodolfo Sancho, would have killed a Colombian surgeon and dismembered his body, the remains of which he later threw into a garbage dump in various black bags and other parts into the sea.

Both were spending the summer together in Koh Phangan, a tourist island in the southeast of Thailand that is very crowded these days for its famous full moon party.. Daniel Sancho (29 years old) went to the police station on Thursday to report that the victim, Edwin Arrieta Arteaga, 44, a prestigious plastic surgeon with a clinic in Montería, in northern Colombia, had disappeared.. That day, the agents who took his statement highlighted the marks of various cuts and scratches that Sancho had on his body.

The Spaniard's statement came after the news that human remains had been found in a garbage dump on the island had already reached the media.. Garbage collectors discovered a severed pelvis and intestines inside a sack of fertilizer. More body parts were found in a black plastic bag at the same location on Friday, containing two legs, a black T-shirt, a pair of shorts and a pair of underpants.

Daniel Sancho and Rodolfo Sancho in a family photo

According to the Thai newspaper Bangkok Post, Sancho initially denied any participation, but finally, after the agents pressured him during the interrogation, he would have confessed to the crime.. “He admitted it,” the city's police chief, Panya Niratimanon, also told AFP.

According to what was narrated by the investigators of the case, Sancho would have explained that he took Arrieta to his room and that the man wanted to have sex, but that he refused.. Then, in a fit of rage, he struck him, causing the victim to fall to the ground and lose consciousness after another hit to the head with a bathtub.

Later, always according to the same sources, Sancho “cut the body into 14 pieces” and put some parts in various bags that he threw into the garbage can.. Other remains were put inside a travel bag that he threw into the sea from Salad beach, near his hotel.

After disposing of the remains, the police point out that Sancho went to the full moon party accompanied by two women, and that it was at the end of the event that he went to the police station to report Arrieta's disappearance.

Regarding the development of the event, the investigators have pointed out that they believe it could have been premeditated because Sancho would have bought a knife, rubber gloves, a kitchen sponge, a bottle of cleaning product and garbage bags a day before the disappearance of the Colombian .

Sancho and Arrieta had agreed to meet on the island

Provincial Police Commissioner Pol Lt Gen said on Saturday officers had found what are believed to be more parts of a human body after searching a hotel room where investigation suggests was the scene of the crime.. According to the Thai authorities, Sancho and Arrieta had agreed to meet on the island, where they had a hotel reservation from July 31 to August 3.. In the room, forensic officers collected samples of hair, grease and tissue from the drain.. The results will be known on Sunday.

Dani Sancho, son of Rodolfo Sancho INSTAGRAM

Pol Lt Gen added that the relatives of the Colombian surgeon have told the investigators that the man had a relationship for more than a year with Sancho and that both had arranged to meet in Thailand to attend the full moon party, where the beaches They are full of DJs who play music until dawn.

“A police examination of security video from various locations on the island makes it clear that Sancho was the last person seen with the victim before the human body parts were found,” the commissioner said.. We still don't know the motive for the murder.. Initially we thought it could be due to a jealous rage.”

Who is Daniel Sancho? Chef in a catering in Madrid

Daniel Sancho Bronchalo, who remains in the custody of the authorities as the main suspect, works as a chef in a well-known catering service in Madrid called La Bohéme, and also has a cooking channel on YouTube.

Daniel was born when Rodolfo Sancho (48) was 19 years old as a result of his marriage to Silvia Bronchalo, whom he met when they were both studying acting. He is the firstborn of the actor, who also has a daughter named Jimena, born in 2015, along with the actress Xenia Tostado.

The Spanish embassy in Thailand assists Daniel Sancho

The Spanish Embassy in Bangkok (Thailand) is already providing consular assistance to Daniel Sancho Bronchalo, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has confirmed.

The consular assistance that Spain provides abroad in the event that a national is detained consists, among other things, of providing a list of local lawyers and a visit by a consular official, provided that the interested party authorizes it, at least once. once every six months, reports Efe.

In some cases, financial aid may be granted and extradition facilitated to serve the sentence in Spain if there is an agreement to this effect with the country where the crime was committed.

In general, the consular offices monitor each case individually, and may also provide assistance, for example, by notifying their relatives of the arrest, if the detainee so wishes; deliver and receive messages and correspondence, or help with other paperwork.

The crime of Artur Segarra

If we look back a few years, this event is reminiscent of the case of another Spaniard, Artur Segarra, who in 2016 became the most wanted man in Thailand for kidnapping, torturing, suffocating and dismembering a consultant from Lleida and throwing his remains into the Bangkok's Chao Phraya River.

Segarra was later arrested in Cambodia and handed over to Thai authorities.. In 2017, the Spaniard was sentenced to death. But three years ago, the King of Thailand commuted the death sentence to life imprisonment.

The Civil Guard has arrested two people in Benavente (Zamora) and Cullera (Valencia) for their involvement in the “largest known jihadist structure in Spain” in the field of recruiting young people and minors through dissemination in networks social networks of Dáesh content that they themselves translated into Spanish.

Detainees, Salim HS. and Hugo CM, were placed this Friday at the disposal of the judge of the National Court on duty, María Tardón, who ordered their entry into provisional prison at the request of the Prosecutor's Office for alleged crimes of integration into a terrorist organization, active indoctrination and recruiting of young people and minors.

The operation has been carried out jointly between the Information Service of the Civil Guard and the Moroccan Direction Générale de la Surveillance du Territoire (DGST), under the direction of the Central Investigating Court 6, the Central Investigating Court 3 (acting as Guard ) and the National Court Prosecutor's Office, the Civil Guard reported this Saturday in a press release.

Within the framework of the work of early detection of potential terrorist threats to National Security, the Civil Guard Information Service began in 2022 the investigation into two people who, although they were located in different provinces, were acting in concert and coordination. in the virtual environment to capture and indoctrinate other users of social networks in the postulates of jihadist terrorism.

Both elaborated and publicly disseminated terrorist content that allowed them to identify and select those users most prone to radicalization.

Users in 10 provinces

Subsequently, they became part of a private group, administered by the two detainees, in which dozens of users have been identified throughout Spain, with more than ten provinces affected to date.

The investigations have verified how the proselytizing activities of the detainees transcended the virtual sphere, having detected graffiti on public roads in which they exposed the slogans of the terrorist organization Daesh such as “DAWLAT AL ISLAM BAQUIYAH”, which means “Islamic State remains and it expands.”

Those investigated focused their terrorist indoctrination activities mainly on 18-year-olds and minors, which, according to the Civil Guard, indicates a clear desire to reach a public that is especially vulnerable to radicalization processes.

With this objective, they used a “multiplatform” strategy, based on a combined use of the main social networks used in that age range.

In this way, the dozens of users present in the private group managed by both have been recipients of audiovisual content, as well as messages and slogans suitable for attracting and radicalizing new followers of the terrorist cause.

Those investigated carried out their own editing and the translation of original content in other languages of the media field of the Dáesh terrorist organization into Spanish, which indicates a clear intention to target the young Spanish-speaking community, facilitating access to terrorist content for those that, in its original version, its full compression would be difficult.

The action on the potential victims that have been able to be identified has been designed with the participation of personnel specialized in care and intervention with minor victims in a context of vulnerability.

For the success of the operation, carried out since mid-2022 by the Civil Guard Information Service, the collaboration of the Moroccan DGST has been essential, which highlights the importance of international cooperation between anti-terrorist services in order to carry out in the face of this threat and in anticipating the move to action by terrorists.

The arrests have occurred in the framework of previous proceedings that remain secret and that began in November 2022 in the Central Court of Instruction 6 of the National Court through a report from the Civil Guard on communications intervention.

And Pedro Sánchez ordered to stop. When the option of a PP-PSOE pact was already in sight, in the distant -seen from Moncloa- Ceuta, Ferraz aborted the agreement. With consequences that are not minor, since they affect a border city, marked by the Moroccan neighbor, and where the political situation spilled over several times during the last legislature, putting coexistence at risk. “The situation in Ceuta is a matter of State,” insists Juan Jesús Vivas, the president of the autonomous city, abandoned by Sánchez in a sudden maneuver that Vivas breaks down in detail, revealing its scope, in the reconstruction that he drew up this Friday in different media.

President of Ceuta since 2001, his conclusion is clear: the national leadership of the PSOE “vetoed” any agreement with the PP, without providing any arguments, he says. His goal of ensuring “stability” for four years was suddenly thwarted. Because he won the elections, but four seats from the majority. “In a city like ours, which is part of the national security strategy due to its unique risks and threats, it is essential that political forces demonstrate responsibility and a willingness to agree to guarantee stability and the government's capacity to face challenges” , he argues.

Last week the PSOE “expressed its willingness to reach an agreement through a coalition government”. Although said alliance had not materialized, the negotiations were advancing. “However, surprisingly and unjustifiably, we received the news that the national leadership of the PSOE was vetoing any agreement, without presenting any argument, which surprised me.”

The PSOE of Ceuta issued a statement that put an end to the talks. In that note, he stated that “there is not and cannot be a government pact with Feijóo's PP”, in clear reference to Sánchez's strategy for his inauguration, where he intends to isolate the popular leader despite being the most voted on 23- J.

The political agreement seeks to restore tranquility in a city that experienced intense political and media pressure during the last legislature, when it witnessed that massive assault of immigrants (12,000 people) with the acquiescence of Morocco. In parallel, the entry of Vox into the autonomous institution in 2019, with an even harsher discourse than in the rest of the country, shook the fragile harmony in the city, generating political conflicts with everyone, and with greater intensity against left-wing councilors. or muslims. In this way, he pointed to half of the population, of the Muslim religion, who resides in this city in North Africa.

«I spoke with Juan Gutiérrez, leader of the PSOE in Ceuta, and the impression I got is that he had received a direct order from the national leadership of the party, since he did not provide any explanation.. Meanwhile, we have always received the message from Núñez Feijóo that the interest of Ceuta and Spain prevails over the interests of the PP”, explains Vivas, who has always defended the image of a city that is an example of coexistence and a benchmark in cultural diversity.

Feijóo joined the criticism this Friday of the PSOE's decision to reject the pact with the PP and categorically stated that Sánchez “blocks an agreement for stability”, while “the PP is a party committed to the State”. «Our responsibility is to strengthen social cohesion and protect citizens, against the desire to stay in power. Ceuta is not just any town, it is a matter of State,” he stressed on Twitter, praising the historical trajectory of Vivas.

The president of Ceuta claims in this sense: «If someone was loyal to the Government during the assault from Morocco in May 2021, it was me. This is what Ceuta [de Sánchez] receives as thanks ». At that time, Vivas assumed the response to the migration crisis in close collaboration with the central government.. He received the President of the Government and they shielded the unit in terrible hours.

What way out does the PP have to stabilize its government? With nine representatives and the majority at 13, he expected to add the six from the PSOE and, in a nod to the Muslim population, approach the three from the MDyC, the formation led by Fatima Hamed. Sánchez's sit-in -at least, until after his alleged inauguration- would push the PP towards Vox (five representatives). But close sources rule out any approach, they say, to those who “contributed to disrupting coexistence in Ceuta.”