“This is a unique campaign, I have chosen not to travel around the country because this is a different kind of campaign. María Corina Machado is taking charge and doing an exceptional job.” Without wasting any time, Edmundo González Urrutia seized the opportunity of his first days as a presidential candidate of the democratic opposition for the upcoming July 28 elections to introduce himself to the nation, becoming the new beacon of hope and a prominent figure in the much-awaited transition. Meanwhile, Machado embarked on a tour of various municipalities in the state of Portuguesa.

This region, formerly dominated by Chavistas and now devastated by the failures of the revolutionary regime, rallied in overwhelming support for the opposition leader, a show of solidarity not seen in Venezuela in over two decades.

Amidst thousands of supporters, Machado took to an impromptu stage to proudly display Edmundo’s poster alongside the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), one of the three parties endorsing him in the electoral race. “Once again, we have surprised them and succeeded in registering a candidate, none other than Edmundo González Urrutia, the candidate for all Venezuelans. Let’s be clear: we are in uncharted territory filled with deceit and fraud. There is no turning back! We will win and demand justice,” exclaimed the liberal-conservative leader, igniting a wave of popular euphoria.

Machado’s tour through Chabasquén, Guanarito, and Biscucuy reaffirmed the birth of a political movement unseen since the rise of Hugo Chávez. From the plains to the Andes, from the border to the east, their message resonated, conquering even the most marginalized neighborhoods in Caracas and other major cities.

This tour left indelible images in the annals of these pivotal elections, where the regime can only prevail through fraud. A vibrant banner reminiscently declared, “We will reunite, as a family,” featuring the map of a fractured nation. A young boy wrote on a piece of paper, “I was born into socialism, but I yearn for freedom,” a testament to the hopes pinned on the promise of change.

A defiant 16-year-old girl in the front row passionately spoke out, “This government is useless. Nowadays, they barely hold class three times a week, and sometimes, they cancel classes due to the lack of water, electricity, and supplies in our homes. We believe in you, María Corina. Last January, as a pregnant mother, I had to leave because there was no rice or meat at home. And now, my mother is in Colombia because of this wretched government…” she paused, catching herself just in time, “…because of this damned government,” she clarified, to thunderous applause. Machado handed her the microphone, allowing her voice to expose the harsh realities endured by these resilient people.

More than 8.5 million Venezuelans have fled the country during the turbulent times of revolution.

Unable to cope with the unfolding events, Chavismo intensified its smear campaign against the opposition leader, even resorting to illegal recordings from a decade ago and a barrage of insults. Machado was given monikers such as “the lady” and “the Sayona,” a character from Venezuelan folklore represented by a woman who haunts the night with her wailing cries.

Diosdado Cabello, the regime’s second-in-command, unleashed another salvo of slander against González, dubbing him “Inmundo” (filthy) González and claiming that he was anointed by foreign powers. Cabello spewed venom and threats from his televised pulpit, embodying a cruder and more contemporary version of Chavista extremism. “There is an invisible force exerting pressure within the power bloc. If the unity and momentum among the opposition persist, this force will continue to grow, taking the conflict to unprecedented levels. If any opportunity for change lies ahead, it is here,” noted political analyst Félix Seijas.

Rafael Uzcátegui, a sociologist and human rights defender, encapsulated the essence of the political phenomenon sweeping the country: “It was not only the incentives. It was also the combination of effective leadership and mechanisms for consensus-building, the people’s hope for change, and the pressure exerted by the international community.”

In the latest survey by More Consulting, the candidate endorsed by Machado is poised to secure double the votes garnered by Maduro, who struggles to surpass a meager 20% in national polls. Such a barrier is formidable in a country where 80% of Venezuelans yearn for swift change.

Francesco and Martin, both 22 years old, are standing in front of the historic headquarters of the Sciencespo faculty in Paris, waving a Palestinian flag. The entrance has been blockaded all day by garbage containers, fences, bicycles, and wooden pallets. They wear masks to conceal their identities and chant slogans in support of Gaza. Francesco (not his real name) explains that they cover themselves for security reasons and fear disciplinary sanctions or being identified by the extreme right.

Inside the building, several young people can be seen at the windows, their heads covered with Palestinian scarves and masks on their faces. They hold banners with the word “war” crossed out and replaced with “genocide.” Other messages include “We ask for justice, we wait for the police” and “police everywhere, justice nowhere.” Marie, a young woman with a Palestinian scarf around her neck, explains that there is always a repressive response when they try to denounce the massacre in Gaza.

Joining Marie, Francesco, and Martin are several hundred students who have barricaded themselves in the headquarters as a protest against the “genocide in Gaza” and in solidarity with American students demonstrating in universities across the United States. Some students have spent the night in the building, and a group was recently evacuated by the police from another location on campus.

Amanda, a Spanish student who just left the building after spending the night, expresses concern about the potential expulsion threat. They wear white masks and have red-painted hands. Amidst moments of tension with pro-Israel demonstrators, an orchestra plays songs like La Internacional and Bella Ciao to uplift the atmosphere. Amanda emphasizes that they are peaceful and do not want any problems.

The police prefect has ordered the evacuation of public roads and the university management will decide whether the students will leave the building. Martin states that some students have faced disciplinary sanctions and threats, which is why they are all covered and protected. Francesco adds that they want the French university system, from the Sorbonne to Nanterre, to mobilize in this international struggle.

Yassine, also at the headquarters, denounces the repression faced by those expressing political views on Palestine. He believes that this issue will continue to spread and highlights the criminalization of those protesting against genocide while presenting the killers as victims. Yassine criticizes the intimidation that these students face, calling it unprecedented in a democracy.

The student movement at Columbia University in the United States, which began as a protest against the war in Gaza, has spread to prestigious American universities like Harvard, Yale, and Princeton. In France, the combative student movement draws inspiration from the legacy of May 68.

The management of the Sciencespo faculty has decided to close other locations and is set to meet with the protesting students. The students’ demands include lifting sanctions against penalized students, condemning Israel’s attacks in Gaza, creating a space for non-militant debate and analysis of the situation, and investigating collaborations between Sciencespo and Israeli universities.

The protest has already caught the attention of the political class, with Higher Education Minister Sylvie Retailleau stating, “Debate yes, blockade no.” At the rally, deputies from the far-left party La Francia Insumisa, who have been demonstrating in favor of Palestine since October 7, expressed their support for the students, with leader Jean Luc Mélenchon declaring them the honor of the country.

Europe, European public opinion, has turned its attention away from Ukraine. 800 days after the commencement of Putin’s “special operation” marked by a relentless missile onslaught, the crisis in Kyiv no longer dominates the headlines. The once prominent display of courage and suffering in the trenches has gradually faded from our collective consciousness. The plight of civilians, once a prominent concern, has now been relegated to a secondary position in our emotional landscape.

It is no longer just a matter of “war fatigue” that we anticipated.