“I hope that this, which helps me so much now, will end up helping many more people in the future.”

“I hope that this, which helps me so much now, will end up helping many more people in the future.”

“I hope that this, which helps me so much now, will end up helping many more people in the future.”

with her chosen career path. As a seasoned politician, Isabel understands the importance of dedication and commitment in serving the public. However, what sets her apart is the unwavering passion she brings to her role, which she believes is essential for driving positive change in society.

Growing up in a politically active household, Isabel was exposed to the world of politics from a young age. She witnessed firsthand the impact that dedicated individuals can have on their communities and aspired to follow in their footsteps. From volunteering for local campaigns to actively engaging in grassroots movements, Isabel was determined to make a difference.

Her dedication extends beyond the usual realm of politics. Isabel is committed to tackling social issues, advocating for marginalized communities, and championing causes that are often overlooked. She firmly believes that addressing these pressing matters requires not just political maneuvering, but also a genuine connection with the people she serves.

Isabel’s dedication is evident in the countless hours she spends listening to constituents, attending community events, and seeking innovative solutions to address complex problems. She believes that being accessible to the public and understanding their needs is crucial for effective governance. This dedication has earned her the trust and respect of many, as they see her as a true champion for their concerns and aspirations.

While some may view dedication as a rare quality in the world of politics, Isabel Salas sees it as an integral part of her identity. She believes that her dedication, combined with her experience and expertise, enables her to effectively navigate the political landscape and bring about meaningful change. Her commitment to serving the public remains unshakable and continues to drive her every day.

In conclusion, Isabel Salas’s dedication to her role as a professional politician is not only unusual but also admirable. Her unwavering passion and commitment towards making a positive impact set her apart from her peers. It is this unique blend of dedication and expertise that allows her to serve the public with utmost sincerity and efficacy.

Feijóo’s unique ineptitude causes the socialists to stumble even more: sneaking the issue of amnesty into the final stretch of the Galician campaign. Sánchez and his team did not want to mention it before the count on Sunday. However, with the PP’s alleged willingness to pardon the coup plotters (“if they promise not to repeat it, we would talk about reconciliation”), they have brought it to an end…

Big mistake, as the mere mention of his alliance with the independence movement to fulfill the boss’s ambitions, even just suggesting that Feijóo would have done the same if Junts had agreed to a similar exchange (pardon for investiture), is like mentioning the noose in the hangman’s house. Or better yet, like mentioning the elephant in the PSOE room, which is the amnesty.

The PP has been the most interested in stirring up the issue. Therefore, the controversy over what Feijóo said or didn’t say harms the socialist candidate, Gómez Besteiro, without affecting Alfonso Rueda’s expectations. Nevertheless, I wouldn’t rule out that the controversy over the weekend would further boost the nationalist left of Ana Pontón (BNG) at the expense of the non-nationalist left of Gómez Besteiro (PSdeG)…

Feijóo emphasizes too much when he denounces those who want to “muddy up the campaign.” With everything we’ve seen and heard so far on both sides of the barricade since July 23, he didn’t need to convince us of his well-documented stance of no to amnesty and pardons, while simultaneously supporting judicial action against those responsible for the process, who may have committed acts of terrorism, treason, or embezzlement.

So loud is the great national issue hanging over the outcome of February 18th in the form of a dilemma: either the fifth absolute majority for the PP or a Galician-style Frankenstein coalition (BNG-PSOE-Sumar-Podemos) with the nationalists as the dominant force in the equation.

Hence, a cautious Alfonso Rueda avoids debates and refrains from making missteps. His focus is on the argument. For instance: “We Galicians do not want models that are causing tension in Spain.” Not a single word about amnesty from Sánchez and his ministers…

On the other hand, the opposition leader has been and remains omnipresent in his homeland with a speech unequivocally opposed to an amnesty that is incompatible with equality, legal security, and the separation of powers. Núñez Feijóo didn’t need to be so casual when saying, “Sánchez sticks to opportunism, and I stick to my principles.”

We enter the final week of the campaign, the week of the carnival, with no substantial changes on the board, disregarding the rise of the BNG in the triad led by the PP and protected by the high 5% minimum threshold required to enter the distribution of seats.

The votes that the PP could lose to Vox or DO (Ourensana Democracy) will always be less than the votes that the PSdeG-PSOE could lose to the BNG, Sumar, or Podemos. Furthermore, the potential entry of Sumar into Parliament with a deputy would not alter the political landscape, as it would not come at the expense of votes from the right…

The Galician elections seem like a world apart. Not only because of the insistent permanence of the same party at the head of the Xunta, nor because of the special characteristics of the territory, with its calm nationalism, or because of how little they seem to affect general trends: the third and fourth national parties are going to have difficult to have representation.

Not even the big issues that dominate Spanish politics at the moment, the amnesty and the countryside, have had much echo in Galicia: the second because the Galician farmers announced that their mobilizations would come after the elections, and the first because it is perceived as distant. At least, that was the case until Feijóo stirred the waters with his proposal for a pardon for Puigdemont..

From the continued tranquility from which the campaign was developed, the polls predicted a victory for the PP by an absolute majority. They continue to do so, despite the fact that their candidate, Rueda, lost in the debate: only Tezanos is betting on an electoral reversal and 40db does not take the absolute victory for granted..

Part of the causes of this possible victory appear outlined in the qualitative studies on these elections, which always offer clues. Usually, the issues addressed in regional campaigns have to do with the standard of living in the area, with regional problems, such as health, education and management of services.. However, as the campaigns progress, proposals on these issues are relegated in favor of direct messages about the possibility of winning or losing the elections and the risks that this would entail for the territory..

Feijóo stated a couple of days ago the central message of the popular party: “Either the PP remains in government or we will have to endure the economic and social recipe that the left will bring, and we already know which it is”. Pontón, however, places emphasis on the real possibility of a change, “which is getting closer”, to make “a better Galiza”. In short, a typical campaign, with the axis continuity or change in the center. However, there are several interesting elements that highlight some mutations that we are experiencing in national politics..

The corner of Spain

When Spaniards are asked about the economic situation, there is a majority who affirm that it is bad and that they expect difficult times; but when asked about their personal situation, a significant majority assures that it is good. This paradox could be summarized in this way: they are people who live more or less well in a complicated situation.. This dissociation between the general and the particular appears, on the other hand, in Galicia.

The Galician humor that is reflected in the studies is special. They feel like a corner of Spain in every sense: their geographical position also defines their political and social place with respect to the rest of the country.. They compare themselves more with Asturias and Cantabria, which suffer from problems that they believe are similar to theirs, than with Madrid or Valencia.. In their speeches there appears the feeling of having been left to their own devices in a world apart.. But, at the same time, there is a very positive perception of their region and life there.. There is an evident pride in the land that is permanently pointed out. The environment can be complicated but, as the Spaniards say about their private economy, things are not bad for them: they are a great community.

interior insulation

This being relegated to the corner is given an ambivalent reading.. One of the biggest complaints of Galicians is the lack of connections. Investment in transport, generally in high-speed rail, has privileged some regions over others, but has also generated a deficit in transit that does not circulate towards Madrid.. Galicia is poorly connected to many territories of Spain, and especially to its northern neighbors, but it is also poorly equipped in the interior.. Galicians claim that their toll roads are expensive and that a good bus and train service is necessary in the community, especially when there are many very disconnected towns..

But, on the other hand, they are also beginning to suffer the problems derived from the better connection through the AVE. With the change in vacation customs and the increase in temperatures, the north is beginning to be a highly sought-after destination among Spaniards.. They are territories that do not have large tourist resources and whose model is very far from the dominant one in the Mediterranean, so that the rise of tourism, the influx often of many people in short periods, is generating tensions in prices.. The purchase of second homes or rentals for tourists causes an increase in prices for residents and a saturation of public services, and the prices of consumer goods tend to rise as other types of consumers frequently appear.. In Galicia it is happening the same as in other areas of Spain, where tourism is beginning to be seen as an inconvenience. The bottom line is that they believe they have little of the good in connections and quite a bit of the bad.. This vision may be more present among left-wing voters, but it tends to be transversal.

However, this is not a purely Galician issue.. One of the great territorial demands in Spain that is not going well is precisely the improvement of connections. All of them aspire to be better connected, with the capital, with nearby regions or with the telematic network, especially in isolated areas, because they see in this quick link the main possibility of development, whether through tourism, logistics or development of your companies. Connection is central today in the aspirations of the territories.

The relationship with Madrid

Another of the great issues of the Galician elections is also central in national politics. The two main parties in voting intention, PP and BNG, profess faith in their Galicianism, which signals a withdrawal towards their territory that is in line with that feeling of being a corner of Spain.

The relationship with Madrid is key in the campaign speeches, sometimes openly verbalized, on other occasions expressed with great distance.. The main parties usually offer their voters improved living conditions, better public benefits and more effective management. And for that objective, there is always a need to have more resources, and that usually means getting more from the State.. All communities have adopted this framework with more or less impetus: the Basque Country or Catalonia point out the importance of self-government and want more transfers of powers, but what really matters is financing; communities with less traction insist that they need investments to boost their activity; those that are growing want to take advantage of the favorable pull.

The nature of the relationship with Madrid articulates a good part of the political proposals of all parties, and more so in recent times: obtaining the maximum of State resources and offering adequate management of them is a transversal proposal, to which they aim right and left. So to speak, everyone aspires to become the PNV.

That's why they all claim local. This pride in the territory has penetrated the right, with significant differences depending on the place. The calm Galicianism of Rueda is not the same as the proud and sympathetic Andalusianism of Moreno Bonilla, the nationalist right of the PNV, or the open and neoliberal Madridism of Ayuso.. The big difference between the right is in Madrid and Barcelona: Junts will have to reconnect with Madrid if it wants amnesty (and survive electorally) and Ayuso will continue fighting from Madrid against Sánchez and Moncloa. The rest are within the framework of management and localism.

The left and its localist fragmentation

On the left the relationship is more complex. The PSOE has many faces, and where it governs it tries to assert that profile of an institutional party and manager concerned with improving its territory (sometimes in the face of the excesses of Madrid, as now with Page and before with Lambán), but where it does not have institutional power, which is in many communities, fails to find the key to reposition itself, and Galicia is a good example. The exception is Illa and the PSC.

However, the most significant transformation has occurred on the left of the PSOE, which has opted for a mix between localism and management that tends to corner the ideological aspect.. They are less of the people and more of their land. This is the case of BNG, but also of many others: Más Madrid serves Madrid exclusively, as demonstrated by the failed attempt at national extension with Más País; The Commons are an exclusively Catalan force, just as Compromís is a Valencian force; In Andalusia IU dominates, already within Sumar, because it is where they have had traditional roots, and even a Trotskyist party was converted into an Andalusian party, like that of Teresa Rodríguez. And in the nationalist territories, the changes have also been felt by the left-wing independence parties, which do not focus on one thing or another, they leave it in second place, and prefer to offer themselves as better managers.. It is Bildu's bet for the next Basque elections.

That is to say, the traditional fragmentation of the left now has as an excuse, not the different ideological currents, but the portion of territory in which they are based..

The failure of the national parties in Galicia

Given this territorial nature of current politics, the parties that have the most difficulty in Galicia are those that offer a message and a national character, poorly anchored in the reality of the community.. Sumar is perceived as a party from Madrid, even though its candidate and leader are Galician. Their most common voters are the professional urban classes, and those are the majority in Madrid or Barcelona, and that is why they have some support in A Coruña and Pontevedra and very little in rural areas.. Furthermore, Díaz is not well regarded among the Galician left, precisely because of her previous experiences in local politics..

The low acceptance of Vox is striking, to the extent that Galicia has a primary sector, which, as occurs with other forces of its European ideological stratum, should facilitate its penetration.. But his strong Spanishism is too strident and difficult to accept, at the same time that it distances him from that character of vindication of the local that permeates Galician daily life..

The PP and the noise of the capital

The most significant case in this distancing between the capital and the Galician community has been put on the table by Núñez Feijóo. His proposal for a pardon for Puigdemont if he agrees to be tried and renounces the unilateral route, with the ultimate goal of normalizing the relationship with the independence movement, has generated a lot of controversy.. From the right he is criticized, either because it represents an unacceptable concession, or because it implies a lack of a clear and firm position, or because his statements come out of time, which can give ammunition to the left right in the final week of the campaign. Galician.

Perhaps the political news of the coming days will be monopolized by this issue and will have an impact on the vote, but it does not seem likely. The amnesty is an issue that was not among the main concerns of Galicians, who see it as a problem that affects them little.. And, above all, the noise and animosity it has generated is perceived as very much in the capital.. In this context, Feijóo proposing a solution that tends to integrate Catalan parties into national politics will be frowned upon in some places, but not in Galicia, and the popular leader is aware of this.. It is also doubtful that his proposal will bother his potential voters so much that they will stop being voters.. And, finally, Rueda is presented as president of the Xunta, in Feijóo as president of the Government.

In the same way that Vox and Sumar, for different reasons, are perceived as parties that are too capital-based to have a presence, it is likely that the controversy with the amnesty will be confined to the circuits of national politics, those that cover the majority of the discussions, and they count little when it comes to voting.

Another thing is the consequences of Feijóo's statements at the national level, and what they affect him among his people and what they are used by the left to discredit him.. But now it's Galicia's turn.

The pairing of the PP and Vox in the Valencian Community already coexists against its own destiny. The cemetery is full of broken coalitions, alliances that were born as single governments and political marriages that ended up fertilized by distrust.. It takes more or less time, but exceptions are not the rule. That those of Santiago Abascal need to maintain the electoral pull in the Valencian plaza, they know it well on Bambú Street. Valencia is the pretty girl of territorial agreements. It was the first of the pacts after 28M. The most 'cultural' and symbolic, with its bullfighter as its flag raised to the department of the branch willing to dismantle the “progressive dictatorship” and demolish from its very foundations the deviations of the left, morally and politically.

The party dynamited in the Balearic Islands, disappeared in Andalusia or Madrid, with the harakiri of Ortega Smith and the embrace of the Ayusista bear, and the vice president of Castilla y León, Juan García-Gallardo, turned into a caricature of himself, Vox does not care There are many more feuds than the Valencian in which to be noticed beyond the national ring. And this, sooner or later, will strain the seams of the pact with Carlos Mazón's popular party..

The Botanic was also built “bombproof” (Oltra dixit) and ended up like the rosary of the dawn. The thesis that each outburst from his partners was an opportunity for Ximo Puig to mark distance and narrow spaces towards the desired political center inspired seasoned columnists eager to find arguments with which to please the president, who even came to believe them. deeply. Now similar analyzes are being read again, ignoring that there is no better recipe than domestication.

The now amortized socialist baron, awaiting his destination in Paris, channeled as best he could the plan to reduce the speech of the coalition allies to the tedious and invisible routine of daily management. Until Pablo Iglesias arrived from Madrid and ordered a stop. The purple vice president Rubén Martínez Dalmau, delighted to step on carpet and allergic to conflict, was forced to step aside to hand over the baton to Héctor Illueca, Pablo's friend. Illueca landed from the ministry of Yolanda Díaz with his status as a Labor inspector and his aura as an organic intellectual of the new and true left and ended up continually calling Juan Roig a “ruthless capitalist” along with other rather unfortunate anti-establishment diatribes. Badly advised by the Canal Red agitator, convinced that this was going to give him some electoral revenue, we know what the consequence was: Podemos sank into electoral misery and Ximo Puig grew, yes, but not enough to compensate for the fall of the allies.

The distrust generated in a part of the electorate by the political immaturity on the part of the Botànic is not the factor that explains the entire political turnaround on May 28. But it influenced. The reality is that despite cultivating the image of moderation, Puig never managed to shake off the perception of being tied to the ideas of his cabinet neighbors, which became increasingly sharper as the legislature progressed.. For the average citizen, for the broad-brush consumer, oblivious to the micropolitics of the hallways and the fine print of the opinion sections, the discrepancies were parts of the same whole..

Not everything has to be the same in the case of PP and Vox. The right is much more given to order and discipline in its domestic affairs. Outwards, all at once. But history tends to repeat itself, first as a tragedy, then as a farce, said Karl Marx, as brilliant in his diagnoses as he was erratic in his solutions.. It must be read as a farce or mere pantomime that the Valencian vice president and Minister of Culture, Vicente Barrera (Vox), gave his first press conference of the year and the second term in office to question the pro-LGTBI rights campaign launched by the Vice Presidency and Ministry of Equality. the popular, Susana Camarero, strong woman in the Consell of Carlos Mazón. Everything was discussed beforehand, damage control was refined and Barrera was able to fulfill, without too many disagreements, the task of “establishing a political position” of his own.. It is the message he received a few days before, when he was released in the new national executive of Vox, designed to further honor the verticality in the leadership of Abascal and his new court (Ignacio Garriga, Jorge Buxadé…).

Now they may seem like agreed upon differences, floral games, ballroom fencing.. But there are signs. Vox has already dared to claim the head of one of Mazón's media and transversal signings for the second step of its Consell, that of María José Mira, who was first on the list without a PSPV card in the 2015 regional elections for Valencia, regional secretary of the Ministry of Finance and commissioned by Ximo Puig for special missions (from managing purchases in a pandemic to laying the administrative carpet for the Volkswagen gigafactory).

With command in the Generalitat, Mira picked up the phone so that her colleagues in the PSOE could take a friend with a broken ankle off a mountain path.. They even sent him a helicopter. She maintains that the steep location and the injury required it, but the Anti-Fraud Agency sees an abusive use of public resources. That the same people who helped her could be investigated by the Prosecutor's Office and are being pointed out by the popular themselves seems reason enough to wonder why Mira has not yet delivered the resignation letter, even if it were out of empathy with those who cared so much for her friend and They gave the first opportunity to get into the official car that he clings to so much. There is life beyond the public payroll. Mazón has the last word, and it is logical that he does not want to look like a bad human resources recruiter, but there is termination at his own request. With gratitude for the services provided.

“We don't like that this lady continues here,” the Vox spokesperson, José María Llanos, dared to verbalize in a notice from which few readings have been made, but which carries depth due to its initiatory nature.. Keeping the many distances in the moral category between one case and another, the ultra-conservatives, who in their day denounced in the Valencian Cortes the supposed favorable treatment of the helicopter via David García (today in Madrid and next to Abascal), still remember of Mazón's forceful guillotine blow to Luis Manuel Martín, short-lived Undersecretary of Justice until his conviction for mistreatment of his wife was revealed. Another success in the casting of Montserrat Lluís.

It is only a matter of time before Vox raises its tone, fighting for its spaces and looking for reasons to be noticed, as the municipal spokesperson, Juan Manuel Badenas, has done from day one in his cohabitation with the mayor of Valencia, María José Catalá.. Another thing is that the three well-placed councilors in the regional Executive, refractory to public conflict for reasons of character and tamed by Mazón's strategy of raining daily hugs (the first, Vicente Barrera), agree to be advance guards in that battle for survival in 2027. If it turns out that this is not the case, perhaps we will enter a new scenario: that of another civil war in Vox more or less exposed to the public.. It wouldn't be the first. Ask Ignacio Gil Lázaro.

Little is done about the world of night from a cultural perspective. It is difficult to find stories and messages that delve into many of its fun and depths.. Especially when the possibilities seem endless, from the preparations to the final and almost eternal remains of any party..

The artist Alejandría (just with his first name) has been investigating these imaginaries for some time, while as a DJ and promoter—he is one of those in charge of the famous club El puñal dorao (without d)—he has been able to establish a more open and decidedly expressive relationship with club culture and nightlife.

This Saturday he presents the stage work After at La Casa Encendida, which is part of a trilogy that also includes pieces such as Cruising and K-hole. The work, which has 16 dancers and a careful staging, is his most ambitious project to date. Also his most openly sound work, where you can hear some of the music that the artist has composed expressly for this project.. The piece is part of Acento, the performing research program of the Madrid institution located in the Lavapiés neighborhood..

The night as origin

“I like to say that in art there should always be a party and in the club there should always be culture,” he explains by phone.. The night trilogy is a project that began around 2017, when the El puñal dorao club also began.. Alejandría defines this piece as the driving force that has given meaning to her subsequent career as a plastic artist.. “The whole project starts with it, which arises through my master's thesis proposal studying the master's degree in performing arts and visual culture at the Reina Sofía Museum,” details the DJ and producer as well..

At that time, when he taught and presented his first versions, which he defined as beta, “the nuances that I have been developing during these years of career as a stage director were already included”. Despite being an embryonic profile, where everything had to be developed, Alejandría himself is clear that he must structure the proposal in three chapters, “to also contextualize it in different universes”.

The club, and everything that arises and happens around it, serves the artist to reflect on all kinds of issues.. The first chapter is After, and is inspired by the imaginary of current club culture. However, the other two parts address much more fantasy languages.. Cruising, for example, “is inspired by the recreation of what a pre-Christian club culture could be, in much more pagan cultures, in a temporal context of the past”. And the last chapter, K-hole, takes place in a science fiction and fantasy future.

“Each episode has its own universe, both aesthetically and musically, costumes, visuals and everything, but they all have the common thread of talking about the night as an excuse to reflect on how we relate to our bodies and the bodies of others,” details a triptych that is crossed by queer theory, the diversity of the night and the less exuberant underground

The decline of the party

More than celebrating chance encounters and the beauty of the improvised, where mystery enhances the elegance of that which is unknown.. Alexandria delves into the less bright and iridescent sides of the night. “Of course I find the night very sexy, all the fantasy there is. But I feel that this has been very worked on by the audiovisual medium,” he says.. “I am more interested in all that dark and decadent part that can also be found. And how in the party an energy of positivity, of euphoria, of enjoyment is generated, but that in reality hides a few layers beneath a sad and worn-out humanity”.

And he continues in that line, becoming interested in what he calls the collapse and decay of the party.. “Right now I'm at that point, contrasting the aesthetic, the sexy and the euphoric, with everything that comes after and the layers that underlie all that,” he points out.. “Since I understand myself as an artist, I have been artistically nourished by the context of the night: the people who inhabit it, the movements, the music, the lighting.”. That whole universe has fascinated me and I have considered it to be very sexy to work from the language of contemporary art.”

The 'dorao' dagger

All this would not have been possible if seven years ago a series of parties had not appeared in Madrid that questioned the most conventional line of club culture.. “In Madrid there was a darkness in the night scene, to which those of us who had been living at night for a long time were not accustomed, it was like the scene dominated by trap, by toxic masculinities on the dance floor, and that to the “We were not interested in underground clubs that were emerging,” he recalls of those years, 2017 and 2018, where other spaces of dissidence appear..

“We felt that there was a lack of diverse proposals and other ways of understanding the club, ways that we had already experienced in other stages of Madrid or in other cities and that we knew were possible,” he continues describing. Perhaps for this reason, several groups feel the need and the desire to promote their own club projects, “which at first we saw as very unattainable, because the clubs in the end are part of the promoters of a much larger industry.” , but in the end from the underground, as small collectives, we started to do our own things”. And that same year 'Culpa x Culpa' and 'Chica Gang' appear.

For Alejandría this seems symbolic and beautiful: “Because in the end we are groups that have worked closely together, we feel like accomplices.”. And we have put a lot of dedication, a lot of work and love into proposing another possible scene.. I have the feeling, after celebrating almost seven years of Puñal Dorado, that we have marked a scene at night that has also spread to other parts of Spain.”.

Today, from the Basque Country, in spaces like Dabadaba or El balcony de Lola, he feels that there is a cultural scene where queer groups have a lot to say. And how is Madrid at the moment? “Madrid right now is in a very bad moment, things are very difficult, the venues are very abusive and in the end the groups suffer a lot.”. But obviously Madrid is our home, we have an audience that is our family and we owe it to 'El puñal' to return at some point.”.

Those affected by the bankruptcy of the Otero Group, the luxury housing developer that collapsed a year ago, are trying to get the Commercial Court number 2 of Malaga to expand the collection of information in other official sources due to the risk of loss accounting data. A request they made after learning that the company bought land a few days before suspending payments and for which they demand their notarial records to know if there are other operations that support criminal charges..

As reported by this newspaper, the accounting years of 2022 and 2023 were at risk because they were “deposited in the cloud of the IT service provider” and obtaining a backup copy could “only” be carried out by this specialized company..

The lawyers of the developer, which presented itself as a “leader in the construction of luxury homes on the Costa del Sol”, explained in a letter that the computer company had specified that this task “has an associated cost” and that is why “they present budget for the acceptance of the bankruptcy administration”.

The technicians also warned that “the difficulty in obtaining the aforementioned backup derives from the fact that the virtual servers where the information is located may end up being inaccessible if no maintenance task is carried out.”.

Faced with this possibility, the lawyer representing one of the companies that suffer non-payments from the Otero Group – many of them family SMEs – presented a document on December 20, to which El Confidencial has had access, in which he expressed his fear that the “controversy” surrounding the company's accounts could “end in delay and, therefore, in loss of information”.

A reason why he considered that “we are in need” to collect all possible data and why he requested that a letter be sent to the Single Computerized Notarial Index so that this organization details the deeds and other notarial acts in which they have participated. the sole administrator, Rubén Otero, and two representatives of the promoter.

The objective, explained in the document, is “to obtain the timely certainty of the goods, assets and credits in its favor owned by the bankrupt and/or that have left its assets in the last four years.”. Take “the big photograph” of the conduct of its administrators “to clarify criminal responsibilities in the event that classifiable conduct has occurred”.

This request, according to the lawyers of those affected, takes on much more importance after the creditors have learned “of the existence of a credit in favor of the bankrupt for the purchase and sale of a plot of land on January 24, 2023”, an operation “carried out only a week before the general suspension of payments and the stoppage of their works”.

The judicial authority, at first, has refused to investigate the Single Computerized Notarial Index considering that the party claiming it “is not a legitimate party to propose evidence”, but an appeal for reconsideration has been presented in which it is reported that this decision causes “helplessness”.

The lawyer who has appealed relies on the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court (TS) to defend that creditors “are recognized as having the possibility of intervening as adjuvants” when requesting a certain procedure..

The court handling the case must evaluate the arguments presented and agree on whether the request proceeds or whether they remain in their initial ruling..

Grupo Otero presented itself as one of the leading firms in the promotion and construction of luxury properties on the Costa del Sol: “More than 130 million euros in construction portfolio”, “190 units” of exclusive houses for “250 million” , “500 projects delivered” and the “objective” of building more properties for “affordable rentals”, specified on its website and status reports..

A developer capable of seducing with its designs the British, Germans and Nordics eager to have a luxury villa on the Costa del Sol, and spending up to seven million euros, but with enough versatility to opt for the construction of Social Housing Officer (VPO). And that he owes large sums to suppliers of supplies and services who are now trying to recover their money.

In the final stretch of the campaign, the PP will deploy a strategy aimed at dismantling the moderation of its main rival at the polls, Ana Pontón, a “wolf in sheep's clothing”, as defined by those closest to Alberto Núñez Feijóo.. The BNG candidate, with almost 20 years of experience in Galician politics, has equaled Alfonso Rueda in rating, surpassing him in cases such as that of the CIS. Neither in Genoa nor in the PPdeG are oblivious to the strength with which the Bloc is surfing the campaign. “Is Pontoon strong? Yes. No one can deny that,” conclude different voices from the national leadership.. That is why there are sectors that urge both Feijóo and Rueda to stop shooting Pedro Sánchez in the remainder of the campaign.. With José Ramón Gómez Besteiro “about to crash”, the only objective should be the nationalists.

The image of transversality and the moderate verb of Ana Pontón, the BNG candidate for the Xunta next 18-F, has little to do with the letter of the formation's electoral program. The document includes clearly pro-independence demands such as the right to self-determination or that the decisions of the Constitutional Court have no effect in Galicia, in line with the approaches of Bildu or ERC, parties with which the Bloc participated in coalition in the last European elections.. In the nearly 200 pages it proposes the creation of an economic agreement like the Basque one for the design of its own taxation, banishing Spanish from schools or having the capacity to veto decisions of the central Administration that are detrimental to the region..

Alfonso Rueda picks up the gauntlet and will also attack the duality of the BNG in the remainder of the campaign. In Monday's electoral debate, Alfonso Rueda also reproached Pontón for his links with ERC and Bildu, with whom they participated in alliance in the 2019 European elections.. “I'm not going to allow it. The BNG was, is and will be against ETA,” the nationalist candidate defended herself when the president of the Xunta recalled that the Block was one of the parties that shared a banner with Bildu in a demonstration in favor of the prisoners of the terrorist group. last January.

One of the arguments that Rueda has used throughout the campaign is that the Bloc is nothing more than a “branch of the independence movement.”. In the popular leadership, a new term was coined to refer to their maximum rival at the polls: “Bildu Nacionalista Galego”. “One of the reasons why I ran for office is to prevent my autonomous community from being presided over by the BNG.. The Bildu model, the Esquerra Republicana model and others transferred to Galicia. “I put my hands on my head,” Rueda defended at the beginning of the year in an interview in El Confidencial..

For his part, Feijóo has also begun to delve into this strategy. The leader of the PP has installed his headquarters in Galicia these weeks to lend a hand in his successor's campaign and follow in the wake of absolute majorities that he himself inaugurated in 2009. Beyond the messages in a national key, with the amnesty as key to the vault, Feijóo will focus on exposing the weaknesses of the BNG. “Who rules the party is the UPG [Unión do Povo Galego]. And, if they have not modified the statutes, the UPG continues to be a Marxist-Leninist party,” he stressed this Friday on EsRadio. The leader of the BNG comes from the aforementioned formation, with a communist matrix and still the majority in the Bloc.

The president of the popular parties did not stop there, and insisted on comparing the BNG with Bildu and ERC. “They went to demonstrate with the ETA prisoners. Now they hide, and do not want to talk about the matter. In their electoral program they talk about the imposition of one of the two official languages in Galician schools. And they also say no. Are these gentlemen sovereignists? Yeah. Are they going to propose a referendum? They have it in their program,” stressed the Galician leader, with a basic message: if the BNG governs, Galicia will be in the same situation of “fracture” as Euskadi and, above all, Catalonia..

Pontón's image is the best asset that the BNG plays with, which has reduced the size of its initials on the electoral posters and has left all the prominence to the candidate, boosted thanks to the space conquered from the PSOE and after having put an end to the tides. Pontón has been able to penetrate a society that is more Galician than nationalist, but its electoral program leaves no room for doubt and can clash with a wide spectrum of society.. The training defines four strategic objectives and the second aims to build “a Galicia that is stronger and prouder of its identity, reinforcing the decision-making capacity of Galicians, advancing our recognition as a nation and our self-government.”.

Galician “nation building”

Under the title A country that is master of itself, the first axis into which the program is divided concentrates some of the most profound and significant proposals for that Galician “nation building” advocated by the Block.. The BNG's main proposal regarding self-government involves an update of the Statute of Autonomy, the only one along with the Basque Statute that has not been reformed, which includes “the recognition of the right to self-determination”. For the BNG, the State of the autonomies does not recognize Galicia as a “political subject” and with “real decision-making capacity” on issues such as the economy, territorial organization, social, cultural or linguistic model..

“This should be one of the great debates in Galicia, as it is already being at the state level,” defends the program. It is one of the maxims that all nationalist parties have put on the table, once parliamentary arithmetic has made them essential for Pedro Sánchez.. The idea is the same that the leader of Bildu, Arnaldo Otegi, has expressed on numerous occasions, and that the PNV managed to include in the investiture agreement, that of negotiating a new Statute that includes national recognition, in this case of Euskadi..

The BNG program also advocates a “new attitude towards the linguistic question, which is reflected in the real recognition of the language”. The objective is to guarantee “the right to use our language at all times and everywhere, also in all institutions”. The document goes one step further and includes the promise of repealing the law that regulates multilingualism in non-university education and developing a new standard that guarantees “total linguistic normalization” through an education “entirely in Galician.”.

The Block also defends a “review of the central institutions with influence in Galicia”, in such a way that the community has the capacity to “veto” on those issues that “relevantly affect the interests of our country”, as well as a ” reformulation of the Constitutional Court” so that the decisions of the guarantee body are left without effect on autonomy. The list of proposals also includes the “direct presence of Galicia in European and international institutions”, the suppression of the provinces and the “full and exclusive” assumption of powers in matters of public and road safety.. That is, create its own autonomous police.

BNG's dangerous friendships

The ties between the BNG, Bildu and ERC are not new. The three parties participated together in the 2019 European elections.. It was the formula that they also used in 2009, but that failed in 2014. Five years ago, they presented themselves as “the voice of stateless nations”. Pontón, representing the Bloc, was one of those in charge of presenting the coalition. Furthermore, it is not unusual for the three parties to operate together in the Congress of Deputies.. Last October they signed a joint declaration to attack the monarchy and the Constitution coinciding with the swearing-in of Princess Leonor.

It has not been the only significant movement of the entente. If Junts sought the support of the PNV to, as soon as the legislature began, register two investigative commissions, one on the 17-A attacks in Barcelona and Cambrils and another on the so-called Operation Catalonia, ERC had the support of Bildu and the BNG. The Republicans presented a commission on Pegasus with the signatures of the Bloc and the nationalist left. The joint action of the three was also a common trend during the last legislature. Among others, BNG, Bildu and ERC voted against the labor reform, one of the star measures of the coalition Executive and which went ahead due to the error committed by the PP deputy Alberto Casero in the vote on the norm..