A pregnant woman died this Tuesday when she was traveling with 52 other people of sub-Saharan origin in an inflatable boat in waters near the island of Lanzarote, according to sources from Maritime Rescue.

The events took place early in the day when the fishing boat Mar Azul notified the Las Palmas rescue center of the presence of a precarious boat half a mile from the Los Cocoteros area..

Then the Al Nair salvamar was activated, which intercepted the migrants around 10:00 am and rescued 52 people, including 42 men, seven women and three minors; besides the lifeless body of the woman. Once the rescue was completed, the Maritime Rescue resource headed for the La Cebolla Dock, in Arrecife, where it arrived at around 11:15 a.m..

Meanwhile, the Emergency and Security Coordinating Center (Cecoes) 112 Canarias, has explained that once on land, the migrants were assisted by the usual health device in these cases, all being in apparent good health although it was necessary to transfer one of them to the Doctor José Molina Orosa Hospital for minor pathologies.

The express landing of Yolanda Díaz's project for the general elections of 23-J has left a trail of victims, victims, direct or collateral of the earthquake that the anticipated elections have caused in the left, already severely hit on 28-M. Some of Yolanda Díaz's unconditional allies, from Alberto Garzón to Jaume Asens or Antón Gómez Reino, including leaders who attended the launch of her candidacy, in Magariños, such as Juantxo López de Uralde, are seen today outside the photo. In another category are political leaders such as the Minister of Equality, Irene Montero, an enemy with Díaz long before, and already definitively removed from the lists of Sumar al 23-J, while she waits for a new opportunity to return to the fore..

The bad electoral expectations have significantly narrowed the playing field, the multiplicity of actors has forced them to crowd together, and the struggles of the ecosystem of each organization have done the rest.. Where before they lived —and ate— four forces (Podemos, IU, the commons and Alianza Verde), today there must be space and resources for a fortnight, with the polls against. It was inevitable that the majority of those who have been deputies in the XIV legislature would have to resign to revalidate the seat, but the movements have surprised even among some of those who bet on Díaz from the beginning, and this is how different leaders and former leaders of the political space.

Ernest Urtasun, Sumar's spokesman in the campaign, recognized last week the significant number of “cessions” registered, but between different forces and territories aligned with Díaz they went further: “Where there has been negotiation is in the places where they left far away “. In the rest, they abound, they have had to swallow several toads, and in some cases variables have been mixed, such as the dynamics of their organizations, which have ended up tipping the balance against figures who bet everything on the card Add.

This is the case of IU, which has been relegated to ninth place by Madrid, very difficult to achieve, when its two main figures, Alberto Garzón and Enrique Santiago, have been strong supporters and defenders of the second vice president's project. For months, the two tried to lower the tone despite the darts of Podemos, the two decidedly bet on coming together with Sumar. The first renounced going on lists, in what was interpreted as a way of marking the way for Montero; the second even beat the pulse of the one who was to be the heir to Garzón's position on the Madrid lists, the MEP and spokesperson for the United Left Sira Rego, who ended up ruling out her presence in the candidacy. Santiago, another of Díaz's great supporters, has been included in the list by Córdoba, and, in Andalusia, IU has only three starting positions, although it is its main stronghold.

Antón Gómez Reino will not be there either, very close to the vice president. It will be Marta Lois who will occupy the starting position for A Coruña, and not the veteran deputy and former leader of Podemos. And until the last minute, the place for Txema Guijarro, general secretary of the parliamentary group and former member of the purple executive, has not been secured. After a hard battle, including a collection of signatures against him, supported by a former secretary general of Podemos, Guijarro has saved the furniture. It has been the central piece of the parliamentary machinery, left the leadership of Podemos without noise and tried to grease a group that was almost impossible to manage. His commitment to Díaz, as in all previous cases, immediately generated misgivings among the purple. In this case, the impact of accepting their presence is received by Compromís.

Aina Vidal, deputy spokesperson in Congress, has managed to prevail over Jaume Asens, president of the group this legislature, who aspired to be the head of the commons list. He also distanced himself from Podemos and bet heavily on Díaz. The formation of Ada Colau, whose leader resigned from going on the lists despite having lost the option to revalidate the Mayor's Office of Barcelona, has also had to swallow the toad of including in its lists, as number four, the secretary of the Organization of Podemos. Lilith Verstrynge is in the hard core of Montero and Belarra, once iron allies of the Catalan confluence in which Podem participates.

For his part, Juantxo López de Uralde (Green Alliance) has seen the option of going as head of the list for Álava pass before his eyes, a position that Podemos was finally awarded, and which is in contention, but with few chances of success today. Uralde attended Díaz's act in Magariños, but also positioned himself alongside Podemos in relation to the vetoes of its leaders. The purple ones placed him swimming and putting away his clothes, and the pressure from Equo —the party from which Uralde comes— to position himself as a reference force for environmentalism ended up tipping the scales against him.

Más Madrid does not come off well either, with only one starting position for its candidates —the other, for Íñigo Errejón, enters his quota, although the former purple leader is a member of Más País—. Mónica García's formation boasted of having four positions in Madrid, and of her affinity with number six and Díaz's economic guru, Carlos Martín, who symbolically closed his lists on 28-M, as achievements after the negotiation. Today they acknowledge that their militants “would have liked to see our candidates higher up on the lists”, but they justify themselves by stating that their priority was “to reach an agreement as soon as possible”..

And this, among his unconditional detractors. Even between two of the Podemos territories that have supported Díaz the most, Euskadi and Navarra, they have had to swallow two important toads: the first, the appointment of Lander Martínez, a close collaborator of Díaz and former purple secretary general identified with errejonismo, as number one for Bizkaia. Martínez is in Sumar's quota, but the current management does not see it favorably, and warns that the bases do not either.

The leader José Manuel de Pablos Bajo, a member of the Citizen Council in Euskadi, was the clearest against this designation from his profile on Twitter: “In an unexpected turn of events in Euskadi, the errejonismo that resigned for losing a primary may return to Euskadi by the hand of Yolanda Díaz without the need to have submitted to primaries”, wrote.

In an unexpected turn of events in #Euskadi, the errejonismo who resigned after losing a primary can return to the Basque Country at the hands of @Yolanda_Diaz_ without having to appear in a primary.

To complete this grotesque, Edu Maura in 3…. 2… 1…

— J.M. de Pablos Bajo (@JM_dePablosBajo) June 14, 2023

Nor is it easy for the leadership of Podemos in Navarra to digest the presence of MEP Idoia Villanueva as head of the list. A region that from the beginning opted to run with Díaz, and that assumed the option of having to campaign for Belarra, now they have to do it for a member of their hard core, but without the excuse that she is the home secretary general herself. , whose right to go on the lists has not been in question.

And the list of those ousted in the process of drawing up the list grows if one takes into account those who acted as a nemesis of Díaz's project, or were too close to the leadership of Belarra, from Pablo Echenique to Ángela Rodríguez Pam, passing through Rafa Mayoral. Díaz has had to put together his puzzle in record time, and the list of casualties is also record, especially among his own ranks.

The Mossos d'Esquadra arrested a man, who has already entered prison, on Saturday for assaulting his ex-wife with an ax in the presence of their youngest daughter, aged 6, in Pont de Suert (Lleida).

As reported by the Superior Court of Justice of Catalonia (TSJC), the judge of the Tremp Court (Lleida) who received the accused on Monday agreed to provisional detention, communicated and without bail and the suspension of parental authority.

There is no legal record for partner violence and, for the moment, the case is open for attempted murder.

For his part, the victim is admitted to the Arnau de Vilanova University Hospital in Lleida due to the serious injuries suffered during the attack, although the Mossos have confirmed that there is no fear for his life..

The Deputy Secretary General of the PSOE and Minister of Finance, María Jesús Montero, has accused the president of the Popular Party, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, of justifying sexist violence after saying about the former Vox candidate for the Generalitat Valenciana Carlos Flores Juberías, convicted for sexist violence against his ex-wife twenty years ago, who had a “hard divorce”.

Thus, Montero has written on social networks verbatim the words uttered by the 'popular' leader, who has assured that Flores “had a harsh divorce and involved verbal abuse towards his ex-wife”. “Spain does not deserve a president who justifies violence against women,” Montero published in a message on his Twitter profile..

“He had a tough divorce and it led to verbal abuse towards his ex-wife,” says Feijóo about the leader of VOX in the Generalitat Valenciana convicted of gender violence.

Spain does not deserve a president who justifies violence against women.

— María Jesús Montero (@mjmonteroc) June 19, 2023

Also the socialist candidate to occupy a seat in the Congress of Deputies, Adriana Lastra, has indicated that she is “astonished” by Feijóo's words and has shared a tweet in which the insults that Flores launched at his ex-wife and for the who was sentenced. “For Feijóo this is having a” hard divorce “”, the former deputy has criticized, the same message that has also been shared by the PSOE spokesperson and Minister of Education, Pilar Alegría and the president of the Senate, Ander Gil.

For Feijóo, this is having “a tough divorce”.
I'm stunned. https://t.co/IOCW9vdXTF

— Adriana Lastra (@Adrilastra) June 19, 2023

Likewise, the Minister of Transport, Mobility and the Urban Agenda, Raquel Sánchez, has asked Feijóo to rectify his words. “It was not a hard divorce, it was a conviction for psychological abuse of a woman. Sexist violence does not admit euphemisms. Rectify, Mr. Feijóo, or the far-right discourse will absorb you completely,” the minister wrote on Twitter.

It was not a “hard divorce”, it was a conviction for psychological abuse of a woman. Sexist violence does not admit euphemisms.

Rectify, Mr. Feijóo, or the far-right discourse will absorb you completely. https://t.co/Oq63IO7cNZ

— Raquel Sánchez (@raquelsjimenez) June 19, 2023

Feijóo highlighted this Monday in an interview on Cadena Ser that the PP made it clear that they could not sign an agreement with the Vox candidate for the Presidency of the Generalitat, Carlos Flores, “someone who has been convicted of verbal violence” for “20 years “. As he added, his party defended changing the interlocutor in these negotiations and that “it is not part of the Parliament of the Valencian Community”.

“20 years ago, it's true. He is a professor of Constitutional Law, it is true. He has served his sentence, it's true. It has been produced 20 years ago, it is true. He had a tough divorce and he was verbally abusive towards his ex-wife,” he said.

After the early call for general elections by the President of the Government, Pedro Sánchez, we are approaching the date of July 23, which on this occasion will take place in the middle of summer. Not only will we have the opportunity to exercise our right to vote, but also some citizens will have to be part of the polling stations, either as president or as a member.

Taking into account that it is a very sensitive date, the Central Electoral Board offers some flexibility, and allows those who have already partially or totally paid for a vacation accommodation or transport ticket that coincides with the elections to get rid of the polling station. In any case, citizens will have seven days to present allegations after receiving the corresponding notification.. Of course, in the event that we are not exempted from this responsibility and we do not appear at the table on 23-J, we would face a fine or even jail time.

For all these reasons, it is convenient to take into account when the draw is to assign the corresponding positions in the polling stations, and when the elected will receive the notification that notifies them of this..

When do they announce the polling stations?

This time, the draw to decide who makes up the polling stations will take place between June 24 and 28. The electoral law establishes that this draw must be carried out “between the twenty-fifth and twenty-ninth days after the call”, so these are the dates that have been set.. In addition, the law also indicates that “the designation as President and Vocal of the electoral tables must be notified to the interested parties within a period of three days”, so that the citizens elected for this task will be notified on July 1 at the latest. , probably before.

As we said before, those who are notified will have a period of seven days, once the notice is received, to present allegations indicating a justified cause that prevents them from accepting the position.. In turn, the Electoral Board will resolve the allegations presented within a period of five days.

The electoral law states that the lottery to elect the presidents and members of the polling stations includes “all the people included in the list of voters of the corresponding polling station, who can read and write and are under 70 years of age, although from the age of 65 may express their resignation within a period of seven days.

Talking about urban growth is talking about extensions. The second district of Barcelona, much as it is now the epicenter of the city, became famous with the same name, the Eixample. Hardly anyone remembers the one in Madrid anymore, and that started from the Puerta de Alcalá and formed the neighborhoods of Salamanca and Chamberí.

The Madrid Ensanche project is more or less from the same period as the Barcelona one; It was carried out by the architect Carlos María de Castro and the City Council began to execute it in 1860. Seen on the map, it has a certain resemblance to two lungs.. One, around Chamberí and Salamanca and the other, from Atocha up to going up the course of the Manzanares. The two surrounded the central almond, that of Madrid de los Austrias. The Marqués de Salamanca, one of the great promoters of the project and who gave its name to one of the new neighbourhoods, justified the development of the city in his time with a very direct phrase that immediately made a fortune: “Madrid is getting too small for us. ”.

A little over a hundred years passed until Madrid once again became small. It happened at the beginning of the eighties, in the middle of the Transition. City Council and Community decided to suspend the growth of the capital. For almost two decades they preferred a centrifugal model, where only populations around. Between 1981 and 1996 Villa y Corte lost 300,000 inhabitants while the rest of the Community gained more than double. This diaspora from the center continues to be responsible for a large part of the traffic jams entering and exiting Madrid, and also for the subsequent rises in housing prices, inevitable given the marked shortage of supply within it..

Almost thirty years later, Madrid is in a position to undertake a new expansion towards the so-called developments in the southeast. They comprise four new neighborhoods that close the growth of the capital to the southeast of the neighborhoods of Salamanca and Atocha, balancing mobility and quality of life in the urban complex.. They will also be key to consolidating the supply of new affordable housing in the city.

Of the 150,000 new homes planned for Madrid in this and the next decade, more than 100,000 will be built in the southeast. Of these, more than 50,000 will be in Valdecarros, the main neighborhood of this new development. For this reason, any effective policy to make housing cheaper in Madrid will go through Valdecarros, where the City Council and the Community own 36% of the new flats planned.. The Community has already announced that the price of its promotions will be between 30% and 40% lower than the market price.

The planning of this new neighborhood has been taken care of down to the smallest detail. The development began in 2021 and is progressing faster and faster. Valdecarros will be urbanized and built over eight phases over the next 16 years. Construction of the first three, with 13,500 homes, will begin in 2025. More than 1,500 million euros will be invested in the development, which increases to 7,500 million euros if the building is included. We are probably facing one of the best examples of public-private urban collaboration. The City Council and the Community have shared a leading role with relevant financial entities such as Sareb and Santander and residential developers such as Pryconsa, Oncisa and Zapata, which have been joined in recent months by such relevant companies as Azora, Ebrosa, Habitat or Aedas Homes.

It is not easy to find a new first level development in the interior of a big city. Valdecarros is right now the largest in all of Spain and one of the largest in Europe. Within 16 years, with 150,000 residents, it will be the most inhabited neighborhood with the highest density of services and green areas in all of Madrid. It forms a flexible urban project in eight stages, capable of adapting over time to the new demands of the people of Madrid.

With Valdecarros, Madrid will take time to become small again.

Luis Roca de Togores is president of Valdecarros Madrid

Three of the most questioned councilors in the Barcelona City Council hold starting positions on the Sumar list of 23-J. Among the five first numbers are Gerardo Pisarello, Gala Pin and Eloi Badia. All of them left a trail of controversies and a bitter taste to the residents of the city of Barcelona during their time as municipes. From number 4 appears the secretary of the Organization of Podemos, Lilith Verstrynge, unrelated to municipal politics, but who had to find accommodation on the lists of some province to compensate for her dedication to the party.

Thus, of the first five positions, three are leaders close to Ada Colau. What's more: the abandonment of the head of the list, Jaume Asens, who in 2019 already eroded the municipal government, peppered with various controversies, has implied the entry of two other local leaders also questioned.

Number 2 on the lists is Gerardo Pisarello (in 2019 he had run as number 3), whose role as first deputy mayor during Colau's first term was highly criticized. In addition to his harsh ways with the opposition, his contempt for everything that did not agree with the ideology of the commons and his absence from plenary sessions or from key commissions earned him not a few criticisms and an aura of a surly politician.. Pisarello was the one who promoted the removal of monarchical symbols from public spaces in Barcelona (the removal of the bust of the King from the plenary hall was famous), his determination to prevent the Spanish flag from being hung in the consistory or the claim that the Central government cedes the Via Laietana Police Headquarters to install a “museum of torture” there.

One of his first initiatives as soon as he was elected first deputy mayor was to have his wife, Vanesa Valiño, hired as a consultant by the City Council. Valiño was Colau's companion at the DESC Observatory, the entity in which Pisarello also collaborated.. Under the mandates of the commons, the entity has received more than 250,000 euros in municipal public subsidies.

a suspicious trip

In 2018, Pisarello traveled to Uruguay and Argentina in the middle of August. It was a supposed work trip. He met former President Pepe Mújica, had some meetings and then ended up in his country, Argentina, where he met the president of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, visited Esma (the Navy school, where thousands of people were tortured during the dictatorship) and had a meeting with jurists who denounced the crimes of Francoism. Later, he visited the San Lorenzo de Almagro and nothing else. In his account, he posted a photo of him with his children at the door of his family home, where he stayed for a couple more weeks.. “Working for Barcelona? What it seems is that he is on paid vacation ”, they reproached him from the opposition. The trip cost the municipal coffers 10,500 euros and that because the return ticket was paid for by the University of Rosario.

Number 3 on the En Comú Podem lists is held, on this occasion, by Gala Pin, a former squatter who during her tenure earned the animosity of groups, unions and neighbors given her radical position on citizen issues. Pin did not repeat in the municipal lists of 2019 due to the controversy unleashed by his behavior. She is a close friend of Ada Colau (they both shared work at the DESC Observatory and at the Platform for People Affected by Mortgages, PAH) and she has been seen with her in recent months on walks through different neighborhoods of the city.. One of his last controversies was photographing himself, almost at the end of last year, with a baby carriage in front of a graffiti that read “Mom, I'm fine.”. The phrase had been written about the Palau Centelles, considered a historical heritage of the city.

Pin did not bite his tongue during his last term: “Definitely, Collboni is a complete fool and lives in the year 1995… What a cross!”. The socialist had asked to expand the El Prat airport to gain intercontinental connectivity, attract companies and create employment. Pin added: “The only thing I ask is that they touch us with intelligent politicians, please. Even when they are adversaries. Or, above all, when they are not. That hollow politicians are an unbearable and dangerous cross (no one would celebrate a divorce with the space of the socialists more than I)”. At that time, Collboni was first deputy mayor and supported the municipal government of Colau with his votes.

“Inquisitive Attitudes”

Gala Pin became councilor for Ciutat Vella, the toughest district in the city and where she was squatted. He battled against tourist apartments, described visitors as a “swarm of locusts”, suspended licenses related to the sector and leisure as soon as he took office.. She lived through the hard days of the manteros, roaming freely while she asked for work permits and papers.. The restaurateurs and neighbors accused her of “inquisitive attitudes, arbitrary decisions and lack of sensitivity and courage, of making the workers and their families suffer” when she decided to restrict the terraces in the neighborhood. The associations accused him of having removed tables and chairs “and their place has been taken by abandoned tablecloths and bicycles”. Of more than 100 written allegations, he only answered a dozen and, even so, they accused: “He does not answer anything that is asked”.

After leaving through the false door of the consistory in 2019, Gala Pin went on to work for the Goteo Foundation, an entity that had received subsidies of 287,000 euros from the City Council. The ethics committee of the consistory rejected that action and defined it as “a flagrant case of revolving doors”. After breaking the scandal, he assured that he had never participated in the granting of the subsidies, but he resigned from the job.

The plugged-in girlfriend

The third candidate linked to Barcelona City Council is Eloi Badia, who until his incorporation was one of the managers of Engineering Without Borders (ESF), one of the entities that has received subsidies and municipal public contracts. These concessions are being judicially investigated. Badia placed his girlfriend, Tatiana Guerrero, as a consultant for more than 51,000 euros (currently receiving more than 56,000).

Badia has several complaints pending resolution. One of them is as a consequence of the management at the head of the public company TERSA, investigated for releasing carcinogenic substances into the atmosphere.. After years of turning a deaf ear to neighborhood and environmental platforms, the court admitted a lawsuit against Badia and senior officials of the public company in 2022.

Among his initiatives we can point out the intention of setting up a public funeral home or that of municipalizing water management. In fact, Badia was in charge of Barcelona Cemeteries when a block of 144 niches in the Montjuïc cemetery collapsed in 2017. The municipal management ended with complaints from the relatives of the deceased, which were rejected by the judge, and with the indignation of the families for having mixed the remains of the deceased.

On the other hand, his work at the head of ESF also had a lot to do with water, since one of the entities with which he collaborated was Aigua és Vida, a civic platform that advocates for public management. This involvement led him to a merciless war with Agbar, which is the company that manages the water in the demarcation of the Barcelona metropolitan area until the year 2047.. Colau and Badia deployed a veritable arsenal of accusations against Agbar. There was fake news and a dirty war by the City Council against the company, until the Supreme Court endorsed the terms of the current management contract.

Badia was also involved in the implementation of the Low Emission Zone (ZBE), aimed at restricting traffic and reducing pollution.. In March 2022, the High Court of Justice struck down the LEZ. And there is a pending complaint from neighbors for an ecological crime by allocating a green area in Vallcarca to the construction of two blocks of houses. His management at the head of the Municipal Institute of Parks and Gardens is not without controversy: after several complaints of sexual harassment against two workers, which ended in a judicial conviction, Badia promoted the protagonist to the category.

Barcelona has a socialist mayor because Ada Colau and the commons decided at the last minute to protect the payroll and responsibilities of their positions of trust in the consistory and postpone their entry into the Government of Jaume Collboni until after the general elections. The mayor's office has decided on an issue as unromantic as this. Jaume Collboni already certified him as mayor, announcing that he will keep in office all the temporary staff or on secondment appointed by Ada Colau and opening the door, just 24 hours after receiving the command rod, to contemplate the possibility that the commons end up joining the government team. This being the case, it is most likely that after the Mercè festivities, with the arrival of autumn, Collboni will be able to shape his definitive Government with the integration of the commons, with or without Colau, to his project.

Before that happens, the socialists will tempt JxCAT, probably already without Xavier Trias in the consistory, to also join the municipal government. In fact, this may even be the preferred option for the PSC. The sociovergence —PSC and JxCAT (the more moderate version of this party that took shape with the list of Xavier Trias)— is the formula preferred by the patricians and economic lobbies of the city. And it is necessary to please these influential sectors, at least showing that the possibility they prefer is still alive and can become flesh after 23-J. The same leader of the socialist ranks, Salvador Illa, comments that this would be the priority scenario for his party. But it is difficult for that possibility to materialize. It would be very difficult for JxCAT to explain to its militants and voters that it ends up participating as a subaltern in the Collboni Government, having won the elections. It can happen, but it's an unlikely scenario. Only a desperate search for municipal perks in a scenario of maximum scarcity for JxCAT prevents this possibility from being completely ruled out.

What is now a reality is that Collboni wanted to rule Barcelona and he rules. And that the commons did not want to leave and have not completely left. Colau said two truths in his plenary constitution speech. That he had a secret pact with Collboni and that Barcelona cannot be governed with the 10 councilors that the PSC has. And one plus one still equals two.

This main dish needed a fancy side dish. It was the PP who served her. For Núñez Feijóo it has come in handy to sell that he has prevented the Catalan capital from remaining in independentist hands. And it is true that he has. But he knew that his voters —those of Barcelona— would not swallow an agreement that did not leave the common people out of the municipal government. He set the red line in response to that reality. And it did not raise it until it was the commoners themselves who erased it, accepting that for a time their councilors —not their positions of trust— would go over to the opposition. The pressure on the popular from some media circles, and also from Catalonia through the Catalan Civil Society entity, to checkmate Xavier Trias at any price, would have fallen on the sack for a while had it not been for the temporary exit from the scene of those of Ada Colau.

This time, although the fireworks point to a different reading, the substantive in the Barcelona code was to eliminate Colau from the equation and the accessory was sovereignty. But no one gives up two for one. And noun and accessory have ended up in Feijóo's bag. Ideal and coherent for your strategy before 23-J: scourge of separatists and reds. And with a sense of State to give the PSOE the second city in Spain in favor of the general interest. A round tale to explain at rallies.

In JxCAT and ERC, a lot of foam, like a badly poured beer. But those who think that what happened with the Barcelona mayor's office is disruptive enough to act as a catalyst for a new sovereignist renaissance, fueled by the bad mood of seeing Jaume Collboni proclaimed mayor at the last moment, when the independence movement had already digested, are mistaken. that Barcelona was in his hands. it's not going to be like that. We write it clearly and thus we save ourselves from answering so many WhatsApp messages with the same question.

In fact, the map of the municipalist power of Catalonia after the local elections gives the opposite information. Blocks no longer work and will continue to not. The councils of Lleida and Tarragona have been divided between the socialists and republicans, in other places the socialists have agreed with the junteros, and in others —Girona— the opposite has happened than in Barcelona, with the independent trident —ERC, JxCAT and the CUP disguised with other acronyms— eliminating the PSC from the equation, which had clearly won the elections. Promiscuity is once again the general norm, as before the process. The Barcelona Provincial Council, an economic resource machine for the parties, is yet to be decided. But yesterday, to make it clear what we are talking about, Xavier Trias himself was in favor of repeating the PSC-JxCAT pact of the last term in this institution, despite the fact that the Socialists denied him the mayoralty of Barcelona two days before. The narrative of Barcelona or Girona has altered the perception of the current Catalan political reality, but not reality itself. There are no more blocks. There are interests. I mean, there's politics. And the normal

The absurd insistence of Vox to eliminate the expression of gender violence is what most worries these staff, even more than the measures that they later approve when they arrive at the institutions. More than the demands that they include in all their agreements with the Popular Party, which only seek that, the noise, the grotesque scandal. Controversy as a political objective, which is not uncommon in populist movements. Everything arises, as we have seen since the first pacts between the right and the extreme right in Andalusia, when the leaders of Vox highlight in all their negotiations the demand to end the expression gender violence. As one of the spokespersons for this party in Valencia, José María Llanos, has said, “gender violence does not exist, sexist violence does not exist, what exists is intrafamily violence”.

They say it because, according to the president of Vox, Santiago Abascal, gender violence “is an ideological concept”, but then they rush to publish decalogues to defend the opposite, their firm commitment to “combating violence against women and their Causes”. That is the absurdity, to deny the expression and fully assume its meaning.. Because, what else is gender violence, and why is it called that way, if not to give a name to the violence that is exercised specifically against women?

The expression, like others that originate in the Anglo-Saxon world, fit with difficulty in our language because it was not necessary and contravened the definition that was made in the dictionary.. As was repeated when the term began to be used here, the Spanish language does distinguish between biological sex and grammatical gender, and there was no need to confuse them.. A table is a noun that has a feminine gender, why include it in a type of violence.. In short, this debate continued until the Royal Academy of Language settled it with a modification of the dictionary, in 2014: it included a new meaning of the word gender, the third: “Group to which human beings of each category belong.” sex, understood from a sociocultural point of view instead of exclusively biological”. Since then, not even the most recalcitrant purists have been determined to discredit the expression gender violence; It is true that in Spanish the word gender had been reserved as a grammatical category, to distinguish between masculine, feminine and neuter, but there is no problem in expanding its meaning. debate resolved.

The curious thing is that this rejection has only been maintained in politics, in the extreme right, determined to call it domestic violence or intrafamily violence, but maintaining the need to fight against violence against women, and the need to help them, to approve “prevention campaigns, identifying the causes and repeated profiles of the aggressors”. We repeat: why this uncouth insistence on saying that gender violence does not exist if it is later admitted that in our society women, by being women, suffer a specific type of violence. What frivolity is that of discrediting a name, when the seriousness of a problem in our society is admitted?

We also know, from the experience accumulated since they began to reach agreements with the Popular Party, that, although the leaders of Vox recreate themselves in these controversies, later, they assume that in the institutions in which they are, the expression continues to be applied gender violence, although others such as domestic violence and intrafamily violence are added. In Andalusia, which, as noted before, was the first agreement signed and has since been replicated in other agreements, the fundamental insistence, for example, was the creation of a specific telephone number for domestic violence. The political scandal, the hours and hours of debates that were consumed, should be the only reason for public shame when, a year later, the official statistics were published: the domestic violence telephone line only received an average of two calls a day, while that the gender violence service handled more than 100 calls a day.

So let's go back to the beginning. If what we have proven is that when the Popular Party agrees with Vox in the institutions, the policies against gender violence do not disappear, why this insistence on throwing away the atrocities of the most caffirs of the formation, like that guy from Valencia who is going saying that “macho violence does not exist”. Anyone who does not contemplate this discussion with party interests and political prejudices can share with Vox that, in our society, not everything is reduced to gender violence, that violence within the family also exists, domestic violence or violence intra-family, because the reports of all the prosecutor's offices in Spain have been insisting on this drift for years. But if that were the intention, there would be no controversy or scandal. With which, that must be the only reason why Vox promotes the most caffirs, because they should not only be interested in extending protection and aid to families in the face of all types of violence, but they are also interested in promoting of this sociological terraplanism of denying the existence of violence against women.

Vox's discourse on intra-family violence could be compatible with the recognition of gender violence, as they themselves end up implicitly acknowledging in their documents, but they maintain the absurdity of denialism because that hooligan essence is what attracts a lot of voters to their ranks. anti system. Those who laugh at the periodic lapses of some councilor or deputy when they become famous for saying that Vox is such a women's defender party that, in fact, “there are women of almost as much worth as men”. well that. The PP will do well to continue limiting the agreements, and to get away from all this absurdity, without the complexes in which they get entangled so often, with publicity and transparency of what they sign. Without being carried away by confusing, equivocal terms, or malicious expressions. Few State pacts are signed in Spain and this, that of gender violence, is one of them, along with that of pensions, the Pact of Toledo, and those signed against ETA terrorism. There are no more state pacts, only the first of democracy, the Moncloa pacts. The PP to its own, which is the State pact. And if one day Abascal admits the ridiculous absurdity of maintaining this double discourse in the face of such a serious problem, of half-truths and outright barbarities, his party will begin to be a little less disturbing.

The bullfighter Vicente Barrera will have to take a step back in his business activities when he assumes the vice presidency of the Generalitat that Vox has agreed with the Popular Party. Articles 6 and 30 of the Valencian Government Law prohibit the regional president and the councilors from making public office compatible with any professional or commercial activity, which will force the next person in charge of the Culture area of the Consell to resign as sole administrator of five limited companies and as a director of the commercial company Unión Vitivinícola, the La Rioja winery that markets the Marqués de Cáceres wine brand. The usual thing in these cases is that the incompatible positions delegate all the powers of their companies to third parties, without having to part with the shares, in order to later recover them when they leave public activity..

The right-hander, who has not hidden his sympathy for the Franco regime on social networks and where he boasts of being the “grandson of the winners” of the Civil War, is a descendant on his mother's side of one of the founding families of Marqués de Cáceres, the Simó, who in turn were for many years a textile industrialist in the Valencian town of Ontinyent through the company Mantas Paduana. The business was founded in 1919 by José Simó Marín, but the Asian competition crisis, which affected many manufacturers in the sector at the beginning of the 20th century, also dragged down Paduana. The family ended up getting rid of the business and selling the plots and warehouses for the construction of homes in 2006, when the real estate boom was in its final years..

From that original activity the necessary capital arose to participate in new businesses. One of them was the Marqués de Cáceres winery, where several founding shareholder families live and in which Barrera has represented the Simó family as a member of the board of directors, a position that he will have to resign from when he joins the Council. chaired by the popular Carlos Mazón. His salary as vice president, if there are no changes by the new Executive, will be 66,311.28 euros per year. This is what the vice presidents of Compromís, Aitana Mas, and Unidas Podemos, Héctor Illueca, charged.

That of the Riojan winery is not, however, the main business activity of Vicente Barrera. The matador administers a group of companies with registered office on Calle Cronista Carreres in Valencia. The company that bears his name, Vicente Barrera Simó SL, is still active with a share capital of around 350,000 euros and with which he managed the promotion and development of the services necessary for the exercise of the profession of bullfighter. This company also has livestock and agricultural exploitation as its corporate purpose..

However, the company with the largest assets, and in which he also appears as the sole administrator, is a company called Edificaciones Formabil, whose corporate purpose is the purchase and sale of real estate.. This company, established in 2003, presented its latest accounts in 2021 with a net worth of 4.1 million euros. That year he had no direct turnover, although he obtained just over 262,000 euros from other operating income (396,000 in 2020) and closed the year with a profit of 60,169 euros..

Edificaciones Formabil has a stake in another company linked to the brick business, Naves Industriales Viator, although this company is currently in a situation of registration closure for not submitting the accounts on time. Vicente Barrera, in turn, is the sole administrator of Clariflor, another company dedicated to the exploitation of all kinds of rural or urban properties, with a net worth of 530,000 euros and barely 32,615 of operating income.. The year 2021 closed with 942 euros of losses. Barrera also appears as administrator of Import Pesca VLC, founded in 2013 and dedicated to the import and export of food products, especially fish, shellfish and other marine products..

The bullfighter left the bullring in 2011 to continue with the family business. That same year, he was seen in political acts of the PP of Francisco Camps, whom he came to accompany to give support to the Valencian TSJ when he was tried in 2012 for the suit case, from which he was acquitted.. After approaching Rosa Díez's UPyD party, Barrera joined Vox in 2018, where he served as regional coordinator for a few months. A year later, he held a testimonial position on the municipal list of Valencia, the city where he was born in 1968.. He repeated in seventh place on May 28, without obtaining representation.

Nobody noticed him because of his speech or his political activity until he appeared last week together with Carlos Flores and Ignacio Gil Lázaro in the negotiating group for the Vox pact with the PP to govern jointly in the Valencian Community. Reducing Flores to the list to Congress by Valencia after the veto of the PP for his sentence to one year in prison for psychological abuse and harassment of his ex-wife, the party of Santiago Abascal opted for the symbolism of Barrera to position him as its strong man in the Mazon Council.

The political profile of the former bullfighter is unknown. Since last week's announcement, he has not made any public appearance or offered to answer questions before the media.. According to the curriculum that Vox released after his unofficial appointment as vice president with powers of Culture, Barrera finished his law studies in Valencia (although he has never practiced as a lawyer) and, after leaving the arena, his professional career “has led him to manage companies linked to the agri-food industry, the restaurant and hotel industry and the real estate world”. “He is a lover of the countryside, of tradition and of the rural world,” Vox highlighted in his presentation. The link with bullfighting is the only cultural affiliation that is publicly known.