All posts by Cruz Ramiro

Cruz Ramiro- local news journalist and editor-in-chief. Worked in various media such as: EL Mundo, La Vanguardia, El País.

The search continues for the missing woman in Ullastrell (Barcelona) after the rains

The Fire Department of the Generalitat and the Mossos d'Esquadra will continue searching this Friday morning for the search for the missing woman in Ullastrell (Barcelona) after the rains on Tuesday.

The Firefighters plan to activate eight of their endowments, among which there will be the canine group, underwater units, active forestry prevention units and land endowments, they have detailed. They plan to go through the torrent and the river again and prioritize the area on the banks, where there are stacked branches.

Starting at 8 a.m., they hold a coordination meeting to organize the search of the vicinity of the area where a deceased person was found inside a car on Wednesday afternoon, in the Can Font area..

This Thursday, the emergency services identified pieces of clothing from the missing woman at various points in a dry stream in the town and see in it indications that the woman was inside the car..

The Mazón and Vox pact to eliminate assets and successions will open a 600M hole

The government agreement signed by the Popular Party and Vox in the Valencian Community implies a significant tax cut, as well as a strong boost to public spending in some of the main regional items. In terms of taxation, the agreement contemplates the elimination of assets, inheritances and donations and a “drastic reduction” of personal income tax “in all its sections, especially for medium and low wages”. In the case of this tax, there are no further details, so its quantification is impossible, but in the elimination of assets, inheritances and donations, the Valencian Community would lose 615 million euros in income this year, according to the calculations incorporated into the Generalitat budgets for 2023.

Only the elimination of these two figures would imply a fiscal effort greater than the entire increase in spending budgeted for this year, which is 471 million euros.. This measure would mean adding 0.4 percentage points to the region's deficit, that is, only these two measures would exceed the deficit target that the autonomous communities have. And the starting situation is already delicate, because the Tax Authority (AIReF) already calculated that the Valencian Community would have a deficit of 1.5% of GDP this year 2023. That is, five times above the reference level set by the Ministry of Finance..

This tax aid will focus on high incomes, firstly because taxes that affect wealth and donations are subsidized for medium and low incomes, especially in cases of direct kinship. While in the case of personal income tax, high incomes also benefit from reductions in the lower brackets, since they are also taxed at those lower levels.

For example, in the state section, a reduction of half a point in all sections up to 40,000 euros would save just 20 euros for the lowest incomes, around 100 euros for medium incomes and more than 500 euros for the high incomes, according to the calculations of the Registry of Tax Advisors (REAF) of the Council of Economists. This difference is due to the fact that the income that the different benefited sections are able to fully raise takes more advantage of the tax reduction.

A deficit heritage

The expansive fiscal policy proposed by the Popular Party and Vox collides with some very delicate public accounts in the Valencian Community. In 2022, it had a deficit equivalent to 3.1% of its GDP, that is, triple that of the Autonomous Communities as a whole. It also leads the public debt statistics, since at the end of 2022 it had a liability equivalent to 43.7% of its GDP, which is double that of the Autonomous Communities as a whole.. The community with the next highest debt is Catalonia, but in its case it is 33% of GDP, that is, 10 points less.

This starting position leaves the new government with little room to adopt measures that involve a large fiscal stimulus, unless it manages to force a review of the regional financing system. This was the recurring request of the still acting president of the Generalitat, Ximo Puig, and the new Valencian coalition government has taken over. Point 4 of his government agreement includes “demanding from the National Government a new regional financing framework that guarantees fair financing for the Valencian Community”. A requirement that does not guarantee that the region will have more resources.

The government agreement also includes a significant increase in public spending, which is not quantified either.. Among the agreed measures are an increase of up to 30% in health spending, universal and free education for children from zero to three years of age, the creation of aid for companies in the face of the inflationary crisis, investment to increase the housing stock or the improvement of transport infrastructure.

In return, PP and Vox agree to carry out a “correct and efficient management of public money”. The eternal promise of each Government. In this specific case, they will achieve it by “reducing the number of ministers, senior officials and advisors. Unnecessary organisms that do not report in the general good will be suppressed.. A definition so broad that it leaves your discretionary decision where to put the scissors and what charges to maintain.

PSOE and PP, seized five weeks before the elections

There was a time, not so long ago, when, if the PSOE decided to hold a large public event in Andalusia with the presence of its national leader, the leadership of the PSOE in Andalusia would be called from Ferraz and they would be able to gather 15,000 people in any place. It is not necessary to go back to the times of Felipe González and Alfonso Guerra: I have seen this done with Almunia, with Zapatero and with Rubalcaba, although progressively with greater effort and less impetus..

That of the Andalusian socialists was the most powerful and efficient political machine that Spanish democracy has known. Today, what once called itself “the great party of the Andalusians” is an unrecognizable bunch that the 28-M steamroller has finished leaving ready for the infirmary. Stripped of the control of the Junta de Andalucía, of the provincial councils and of most of the important town halls, and directed (?) by a puppet executive, it is not even capable of organizing a decent rally in Dos Hermanas to start the pre-campaign of the President of the goverment. They say it's because of the heat, but it seems to me that it's more because of melancholy.

The result of 28-M, or one similar, was in the forecasts for months. The size of the tide may have surprised us, but you didn't have to be a genius in demoscopy or political foresight to foresee a turn favorable to the right in the distribution of territorial power.

However, it seems that neither of the two major parties previously carried out the essential strategic planning exercise to face the scenario resulting from the vote.. Neither the PP shows signs of having designed the political management of its victory with sufficient care —which had a few time bombs in its gut, almost all related to Vox— nor did the Monclovite court, arrogant and disconnected from reality, prepare its body supporter for the digestion of a sung defeat.

Sánchez alone had the nuclear button for the dissolution of the chambers, and alone – “with my conscience”, he said – he pounced on it, in a clearly emotional reaction, while the rest of the Government and the leaders of his party found out of the news at the same time as the rest of the Spanish. It is not usually a good idea to surprise your generals with a jerky movement, in full shock after a collective hecatomb for which you are held responsible and with the troops in panic; extreme caesarism entails these servitudes.

The consequence is in sight. On July 23 we will check the degree of inhibition or abandonment of the social base of the left, but the massive deactivation of its organic bases in this campaign is assured. In the case of what was United We Can, because the liquidation of the Iglesias party was deliberately sought to make way for a formless confederation of acronyms with a face in front. In the case of the PSOE, because there is a disbanded army of those expelled from power, trained for decades to combine public office with the management of the party apparatus, whose immediate concern is not exactly giving their skins away in an additional —and surely sterile— effort. not to save the face of those who have led them to a defeat that they feel is undeserved, but to seek paid employment (in many cases, for the first time in their lives).

I have a feeling that they are not exactly for the job of hauling buses with which to fill the auditoriums for the boss, nor will the homes of many small towns receive the usual visit this time from the socialist mayor or his councilors to deliver the ballots already tucked into their about.

The legendary electoral apparatus of the Socialist Party is open in channel from top to bottom. In fact, two weeks have passed since the call and it is not known who directs that campaign. For the government party, bringing together more than 1,000 people in a city of three million like Madrid has become a Herculean task.. Tiny premises are sought out, the exposure to the sun of a candidate burned by so much showing off in vain is administered to the maximum and, to hide it, a vice-president who is only waiting for the moment to sign the settlement and return to Brussels is taken for a walk.. You have to know a large organization of this type from the inside to take charge of the dimension of the tragedy: there is no Grupo Prisa to replace it.

In the case of the Popular Party, the problem is more political. It was not difficult to foresee that, after 28-M, it would find itself with a handful of regional governments and a multitude of town halls within easy reach, with two determining factors. On the one hand, orderly managing the complex operation of occupying the new positions of institutional power: negotiations, investitures, formation of government teams, inaugurations, first measures… Something that absorbs the time and attention of several thousand political cadres, that while they are dedicated to that they are not dedicated to the electoral campaign. On the other – and this is the most important thing – overcoming the pitfall of the pacts with Vox, as essential in general as they are potentially explosive to shape the party before the general elections.

It was assumed that both operations could be carried out calmly in the pre-vacation period to return in September, with the new map of territorial power already established and the pacts metabolized, and finish off the task of “repealing sanchismo” at will.. But Sánchez's convulsive reaction with his troubled conscience caught his own party and also that of the opposition —not to mention his allies— in the panties..

In terms of government alliances, today the PP is more like Pancho Villa's army than an ordered troop with a staff controlling the situation based on previously studied plans.. The run over Valencia agreement opened the floodgates prematurely, Abascal's party was emboldened and today no one in Genoa is capable of pointing out on the map how many places will end up sharing governments with the extreme right.

During the crucial months of June and July, PP leaders in most territories will be busier with their transitions of power than attending to Feijóo's national campaign.. And what will ultimately be the electoral impact of a map probably full of coalition governments with Vox not foreseen in advance is unknown.

Many are convinced that this has already been amortized by public opinion and others dream that this will derail the train that leads Feijóo to Moncloa: but both speak more from desire than from certainty. The truth is that the dystopian hypothesis of seeing Santiago Abascal as Vice President of the Government or Ortega Smith in the Ministry of Justice has suddenly acquired a plausibility that it did not have 15 days ago. Surely that was not Feijóo's plan before his victory on 28-M, as overwhelming as it was glassy.

It is still highly probable that Alberto Núñez Feijóo will spend the end of the year at Moncloa, but not even he himself knows at this moment in what conditions and, above all, with which companies he will do it. When things seemed clearer than ever, the chocolate began to thicken..

They arrest 'The pirate of Los Prados' from Malaga after attacking a man on crutches with an ax

He is so “known” among the security forces that they refer to him by his nickname: The Los Prados Pirate. A dangerous criminal from Malaga who was arrested this Monday for his alleged involvement in an attack with kitchen axes on a man on crutches who he considered had given him a bad look. Along with him, a second individual was arrested, also accused of crimes of threats, damages and serious injuries..

The events began around 12:10 a.m. on Saturday, May 20, on José Ortega y Gasset avenue after an exchange of glances allegedly occurred between two individuals and four others who were inside a car.. The passers-by allegedly threatened that they were “going to crush them” if they were in the place when they returned..

Moments later, they returned carrying a kitchen ax or a machete, with which they hit the rear of the car with the presumed intention of reaching its occupants.. The blows fractured the window of the vehicle and caused three of the four occupants, fearing for their lives, to get out of the car and run away from the place.. Only the victim remained at the scene, who was injured and required the use of crutches to move..

Room 092 of the Local Police of Malaga received a call alerting them to the attack and a patrol of this body moved quickly to the place. His arrival put the two individuals on the run, although one of them was intercepted in the vicinity, who was arrested after admitting to the agents “having had a fight without any importance”.

According to the victim's own statements, the two guys, armed with axes, rushed towards him with the intention of hitting him on the head.. He explained that he managed to dodge the blows with his hands, but suffered some blows and cuts to his extremities, including a deep wound on one of his knees.. The man, who told the local police officers that “he did not know how he was alive because they were going to kill him”, lost a lot of blood and required medical assistance..

The following morning, another crew of the aforementioned body located on the public highway the bladed weapons allegedly used to perpetrate the attack.. They were next to a supermarket located nearby, and one of them still had blood stains.

Investigators from the Western District Police Station of the National Police took charge of the investigations to try to arrest the second person involved in the violent aggression. Police work allowed him to be identified as El pirata de Los Prados, a criminal from Malaga, an “old acquaintance” of the security forces.

His capture took place on Monday and, like the first of the detainees, he is charged with crimes of threats, damages and serious injuries, as reported by both police forces in a joint statement, in which it was specified that those investigated have been placed to judicial disposition.

The migration control of Morocco: shots at the boats and transfers to the desert

Morocco complies with part of the deal with Spain after the turn of Pedro Sánchez over the Sahara. It closes the migratory faucet and intensifies controls on its coast with strong police and military coverage that includes shooting at boats resulting in death and transfers of migrants to desert areas, according to NGOs.. A pressure that, in addition, is causing the Canary route to become even more dangerous from more distant departure points to avoid surveillance.

“Moroccan police control is generating unusual, high-voltage violence,” Juan Carlos Lorenzo, coordinator in the Canary Islands of the Spanish Commission for Refugee Aid (CEAR) told El Confidencial.. “We have recent evidence of shots fired by that police at a boat that was beginning its journey to the islands and that caused two deaths and several injuries,” he adds..

Lorenzo refers to a zódiac that arrived in Gran Canaria at the end of May. Two of its occupants died from gunshot wounds received while embarking on the Saharawi coast. Initially seriously injured, they perished during the voyage and their bodies were thrown into the sea by the rest of the passengers..

From the organization Caminando Fronteras, the Moroccan authorities are also responsible. According to the EFE news agency in the moments after this episode, the spokesperson for this NGO, Helena Maleno, related the event to “immigration control” by the military.. He also reported that a young Malian man died on the same shore from a shot to the neck..

For his part, Juan Carlos Lorenzo reveals that one of the repressive methods of the Moroccan military consists of displacing migrants to desert areas. “In this case, after the shooting, some people who did not manage to get on board were transferred to inhospitable areas of the border with Algeria.. This is the reality right now, a reality of acts committed with unusual cruelty,” he concludes..

Moroccan pressure forces more dangerous routes

In addition to these serious episodes reported by organizations that assist people seeking an opportunity in the first world, the police and military shielding on the Saharan and Moroccan coasts is forcing migrants to seek further departure points on board boats with increased passenger capacity.

They are the cayucos. Although the transfer of small boats and pneumatic boats continues, the cayucos have not been seen for many months and in the last 15 days up to seven of them have reached the archipelago. They leave from Mauritania, northern Senegal and even the Gambia to start a longer journey —between nine and 12 days— and more risky..

One of the last arrived with 154 occupants, after 10 days of travel, to the coast of El Hierro, the westernmost island. “That a cayuco arrives in El Hierro means that it has been about to follow a journey to nowhere,” says Lorenzo.

From the beginning of their itinerary, these boats avoid the African coast to avoid the patrol boat controls and usually immediately enter the high seas, taking the left bank of the archipelago and then heading north in a straight line.. “This is very dangerous, because a slight miscalculation leads them to get lost in the immensity of the Atlantic and to certain death,” says the CEAR spokesperson..

Statistics support this risk, which places the Canary Islands route as one of the most dangerous in the world. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) quantified at least 560 people who lost their lives in 2022, a figure that Caminando Fronteras raises to more than 1,700.

“A terrifying balance that is only an estimate to which an indeterminate number of invisible shipwrecks would have to be added,” says Lorenzo, who warns of the reactivation of longer journeys due to their unquestionable danger.

Regarding the influence of the controls in Morocco on those migrants who choose other departure areas that are further away, Lorenzo considers that many factors are intertwined in this decision, although police pressure would be contributing to their opting for less monitored areas..

A pressure that does not prevent the continuous arrival of boats to the archipelago from various African points. According to his calculations, only in the last 15 days more than 2,000 people have arrived, which are added to the 4,406 that the Ministry of the Interior quantifies until May 31, a figure lower than the 8,300 that arrived in the same period of last year.

However, the notable increase in the arrival of small boats and cayucos in recent weeks has different readings.. According to the Government delegate in the Canary Islands, Anselmo Pestana, it is due to the good sea conditions. For Juan Carlos Lorenzo, “we have to wait a while to see if this increase becomes a trend or not, although the return of the canoes, due to their high capacity to transport more passengers, is a cause for concern.”

Vertigo in the PSOE due to the demobilization of the militancy before the campaign of 23-J

“What people want is to go to the beach”. With this very mundane feeling and at the same time so symptomatic of the situation the PSOE is going through, a socialist cadre answers when asked about the spirit with which they are facing the general election campaign. To the obstacle of the heat, the militants and organic charges add several weights in the backpack with which they arrive at 23-J: the bad result of May 28, the discontent with the elaboration of certain lists or the euphoria of the PP. Everything causes fear for the state in which the party will arrive at the elections advanced by Pedro Sánchez to submit his leadership to the will of the citizens.

The change in the rally to start the pre-campaign has raised some alarms, although the heat argument is not trivial. Sánchez wanted to start the path where he was resurrected organically, in the Lake of Life of Dos Hermanas. Finally, it will be in the municipal booth of this Sevillian town, a fetish for the President of the Government, after Ferraz verified this Wednesday that the outdoor auditorium that they had initially chosen can become a frying pan at noon on Sunday.

The images of the nearby crowded Dos Hermanas velodrome —Pablo Iglesias filled it in 2015 and the last socialist was Rubalcaba, more than a decade ago— are a chimera. There will be no photo with the historic collapsed site, but in Ferraz they assure that there will be more than 3,000 people in the Nazarene town. And to achieve this, the PSOE machinery has even pressured other territories, confirmed several sources consulted by this newsroom, so that they go to the city of the metropolitan area of Seville, where the Socialists, by the way, have won again by an absolute majority..

The diagnosis that is distilled from various conversations with socialist cadres and leaders is very similar. The militancy arrives exhausted at this sort of second round of the elections. There is a coincidence that the moment of greatest mobilization within the PSOE occurs in the municipal ones, when the militants risk, in many cases, their own positions. The bad result of 28-M has led to the discouragement of many, who have seen how local governments and councils were lost.

“If bragging about management, which is the most important thing, has not worked…”, admits a position from the Andalusian PSOE who explains that the campaign is designed by Ferraz, although the territories will have some room for maneuver. And although he admits his discouragement, this leader has a certain optimism, since he considers that in the towns and cities where the PSOE has lost the Government they are aware that the first step to recover it is to keep Pedro Sánchez in Moncloa.

Lack of proxies?

The discouragement is undeniable, but the voices from within the PSOE defend that we must press. “If we sink, we get 10 fewer seats,” says this socialist leader. If they manage to ward off that lethargy and leave it behind, it can be perfectly verified on the morning of July 23.. There are those who slip that there will be some difficulty to populate the associations of proxies. This was the first symptom of Susana Díaz's pyrrhic victory in December 2018. When in a stronghold of the PSOE like Alcalá de los Gazules (Cádiz) the absence of socialist representatives in the schools was noticed, the alarms began to sound.

Another factor to take into account to explain this almost depressive moment is the noise that has been generated around the charts.. And this is something that has happened in all territories. In Andalusia, the party's largest federation, they remember that it is not a new phenomenon. Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba was deputy for Cádiz and María Teresa Fernández de la Vega did the same for Jaén. “Nobody likes cuneros, because it means that one of yours is left out,” acknowledges a source from the Andalusian PSOE, who alludes to the case of Fernando Grande-Marlaska, who repeats in the province of Cádiz after topping the list in 2019.

The case of Carmen Calvo is also striking. She is Andalusian, but the tightness of the Córdoba list has led her to lead the candidacy for Granada to secure the position. The inclusion of the former vice president in the Nasrid province has generated significant noise that does not help to motivate the militancy either.. But in the Andalusian PSOE they downplay this type of phenomenon, because, they say, it is something common to a certain extent in the party. And they affirm that the discontent is not even close to the levels of 2019. It must be remembered that then Susana Díaz posed a challenge to Sánchez in the design of the Andalusian lists that was harshly corrected by Ferraz.

Lamban's anger

This phenomenon is repeated in Aragon, where, perhaps, one of the most devilish realities in the organic socialist apparatus is lived, just over a month before the general elections. Ferraz's decision to purge the list of candidates for Congress and the Senate proposed by Javier Lambán, who imitated the former Andalusian baroness in his 2019 strategy, was a setback that nobody expected. The result is that the spirits in the Aragonese PSOE are completely down. There is no desire or harmony with another electoral campaign.

The decision by Sánchez to place Minister Pilar Alegria at the top of the list for Zaragoza did not sit well with the still Aragonese president and his apparatus. They had a very different idea.. This disparity of criteria will show a surreal photograph: Sánchez and Alegría at the central meeting that they hold in Aragón and in front of the first row of Aragonese officials who have repudiated and criticized the imposition. The question is whether they will applaud, because socialist sources believe that, after Ferraz's purge of almost the entire electoral list proposed by Lambán, the desire is scarce.

Along these lines, sources from the Huesca PSOE organization say that a people-to-people or door-to-door campaign is not foreseen. The feeling is of fallen arms and bowed head before a foreseeable result of defeat. These sources detail that it will be the mayors of each municipality who decide whether or not to hold a rally in their municipalities. The provincial leadership will focus on a low-noise campaign and follow-up to the national campaign.

Fatigue in the Valencian Community

The campaign is also approached from fatigue in the Valencian Community, a territory that the Socialists have just lost and where they are still digesting a defeat they did not expect. The pact of the Popular Party of Carlos Mazón with Vox is spurring the bases, which begin to see a possibility of revenge on 23-J, but even so, PSPV-PSOE sources with many campaigns behind them admit that they are facing an electoral race atypical. “It will not be like any other; people are saturated and exhausted. In the end there will be mobilization, but it may be necessary to adapt to the circumstances,” they point out..

In the ranks of the PSPV, the second federation in militants after the Andalusian, they are waiting for Ferraz to launch the main instructions. It is planned to hold a meeting of the monographic federal executive on the subject. In Valencia, points to three factors that make the imminent campaign different. The first is cheap. The party has just faced some regional and municipal ones in which there has been a deployment of resources and the box is not buoyant.

It is true that budgets are drawn up based on vote estimates and that the party financing system then compensates justified spending through subsidies, the limits of which are legally set.. But even so, in the previous weeks electoral actions can be financed that now it will be impossible to undertake. The perspective of the future in terms of contributions from cadres now evicted from the institutions does not help either. “We have been financially exhausted,” says a person who is near the kitchen, who cites the chosen date, with the heat of July, as the second element that distorts the planning. “The logical thing is that we carry out surgical actions, with smaller acts and many social networks. Running a normal campaign would not be very realistic on our part or on the part of the rest of the parties.”.

The third factor is internally emotional. The defeat of the Botànic on May 28 has left the teams baffled. To this has been added the clash that the outgoing president, Ximo Puig, has had with the provincial secretaries of Valencia (Carlos Fernández Bielsa) and Alicante (Alejandro Soler) for the preparation of the candidacies for Congress and the Senate. Ferraz wanted to ingratiate himself with everyone and ended up disavowing the Valencian baron, by retracting part of the correction that Puig had made of the lists to Soler and Bielsa, the latter with clear succession aspirations in the PSPV.

In the socialist ranks it is taken for granted that Soler, who is the head of the Congress list for Alicante, will put all the meat on the grill in the electoral campaign. Bielsa, who has fought with Puig for the presence of the mayor of Paterna and his ally, Juan Antonio Sagredo, in the Senate candidacy, should also get involved. In the same way, the acting president of the Generalitat will want the Minister of Science, Diana Morant, poster for Valencia, to play a good role. But beyond the interests of families, everyone is at stake for the future of the organization. The PSOE could take a long time to recover from a very deep blow on July 23.

The Menas case that puts Sumar's candidate for Las Palmas in check

Unjustified transfers, constant cash withdrawals and payments for beauty treatments. That is the cocktail of the Menas de Canarias case, an investigation that puts the Minister of Social Rights and head of the Sumar list in Las Palmas, Noemí Santana, in check. Between 2020 and 2022, his ministry granted 12.5 million to the Siglo XXI Social Response Foundation for the guardianship of unaccompanied foreign minors (menas), but the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor suspects that part of the money ended up being diverted to accounts and personal expenses of managers of this organization.

“There are indications regarding a lack of monitoring and control,” criticizes the Prosecutor's Office in its complaint, advanced by the newspaper Canarias7 and to which El Confidencial has had access. “There has been no effective monitoring of the material destination of the huge public money transferred to the foundation”.

The Prosecutor's Office investigates Respuesta Social Siglo XXI and four of its directors for unfair administration, embezzlement and document falsification. The foundation hides behind the fact that they have only detected 41,760 euros “without documentary support to justify them”, but Anti-Corruption is blunt: “They took advantage of the gross breach of the duties of supervision, surveillance and control of the activity of economic management and administration of centers for minors and made innumerable and large withdrawals in cash and transfers to their personal accounts”.

This is not the first time that the Prosecutor's Office investigates the lack of control around the centers for minors in the Canary Islands. In what is known as the 18 Lovas case, the Public Ministry has already focused on a hostess agency that covered up an alleged plot of prostitution of minors between 2015 and 2016. His investigation is still pending trial, but in the latest resolutions there were at least 12 victims.. Among them, two adolescents whom they managed to capture in a center for minors in Las Palmas.

Although this new judicial procedure has just begun, Santana has published an article in which he tries to justify a move that, according to the Prosecutor's Office, is “inexplicable”.. “The way in which the contracts were drawn up passed all the technical and legal filters for that purpose,” defends the leader of Podemos on the islands.

Vox's ex-treasurer

The investigation of the Menas case dates back to December 2020, when Respuesta Social Siglo XXI began receiving monthly payments from the Ministry of Social Rights. The foundation was not even “aware of its obligation to render accounts”, but it managed five centers for minors and managed to benefit from a series of emergency contracts in the midst of the migration crisis. The mechanism consisted of the department paying a fixed monthly amount to the foundation for the centers under its charge, in addition to 95 euros per day for each unaccompanied minor that it fostered and another 72 for the places that remained to be filled..

The total sum of this system shows a disbursement of 12.5 million until 2022, but when analyzing the accounts of each center, the Prosecutor's Office has found cash withdrawals of tens of thousands of euros, transfers to other deposits without justifying and alleged personal expenses at the expense of public money. The suspicious movements reached such a point that some of the banks blocked the accounts of those investigated.. “It draws a highly irregular, opaque and uncontrolled scenario,” warns the Prosecutor's Office.

Among the four defendants, the case of María de los Ángeles Barroso stands out, the former vice-secretary and treasurer of Vox in Las Palmas who in the 28-M elections ran with Unidos por Gran Canaria. Barroso was director of the Guiniguada juvenile center until 2021 and the Prosecutor's Office suspects that he enriched himself at the expense of his funds. The complaint explains that he made 68 cash withdrawals from the account managed by the center, thus obtaining about 40,000 euros.. It also affects the alleged use of money for personal expenses: a beauty treatment (1,500 euros), car rental (1,406), a product for swimming pools (840)..

The other defendants are Fernando Pérez Romero, who directed the centers for minors in Puerto Bello and Acorán; Natalia Levy, who took the reins of Las Casitas Forestales de Yaiza, and Enrique Manuel Dévora, who did the same with the hostel in La Santa. The Barroso and Pérez centers were in Las Palmas and the latter two were in Lanzarote, but in all cases, the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor describes the same pattern: large movements of money that set off alarm bells in the banks, constant withdrawals of cash from managers and alleged personal expenses ranging from restaurants to Nike shoes.

Lack of counseling control

The Prosecutor's Office also dedicates several criticisms to the role played by the Ministry of Social Rights when entrusting public funds to this foundation. His complaint indicates that the state of the centers was “unfortunate”, to the point that the “deficit management” produced an “alarming deterioration of the facilities”.

From the counseling, they hide behind the fact that they had to “host and protect nearly 3,000 minors” during the migration crisis, but the Prosecutor's Office considers that they caused “serious inefficiencies” to the public treasury. “It is more difficult to understand is that the closure of the banking operations of the current accounts where the amounts of public funds invoiced to undertake the expenses of the centers transited has not been —in the best of cases— even known by the Public Administration “, criticism.

As Anticorruption warns, the only control they carried out consisted of verifying the aforementioned payment mechanism: “Minor/day/place occupied”. From there, there is no evidence that any other follow-up was carried out on “the justified investment for the attention of an important and noble public need of the competence of the Ministry of Social Rights”, so the conclusion is clear: ” Once the contract for the emergency procedure has been formalized, there is no administrative act intended to inspect or monitor the service,” says Anticorruption. “The bill became an axiom for the Ministry of Social Rights.”

Plenary session at midnight: this Zamora City Council will be the first to be constituted by a trip by the mayoress

The councilors of the PP in the City Council of San Cristóbal de Entreviñas (Zamora) have expressed their discomfort because the constituent plenary session next Saturday in that Zamorano municipality is the earliest riser, when it was called at 12:00 a.m. in the first call and at 12:15 a.m. in the second , due to a trip that the current acting mayor, Leonor González (PSOE), who will be re-elected in office, has.

The three councilors of the PP, in a new Corporation also made up of six PSOE councillors, have shown their discomfort at the time of the plenary session and have announced that they will not attend “as a protest measure” because they consider that it is “a grotesque and a lack of respect for all the neighbors and the councilors themselves”, they have assured in a press release.

They have detailed that the unusual time of the call is due to the fact that it is intended to “save the legality” of calling the plenary session on Saturday and that at the same time the mayoress can enjoy a trip that they have given her on the occasion of her retirement.

For the PP, this justification put forward by the highest municipal official is not a reason of “sufficient weight” to convene the plenary session at that time when the date of the constituent session was known from the moment in which the municipal elections of last 28 were called. of May.

In this regard, the popular councilors have maintained that some of them had made “a responsible decision” and had canceled personal plans scheduled for the day of constitution of the town councils due to the inauguration, “a circumstance that most of the residents of the town know “, they have declared.

San Cristóbal de Entreviñas is a municipality in the region of Benavente and Los Valles, in the north of the province, with 1,375 registered inhabitants..

The secrecy of Podemos with the meeting of its leadership unleashes nerves in the territories

Podemos meets its State Citizen Council this Saturday in the face of the uncertainty of national and regional leaders, who will attend this meeting just 48 hours after the deadline to register the lists for the 23-J elections. Management sources maintain that it is a “politically necessary” call for the party's highest body, which has not met since the day before Yolanda Díaz launched her candidacy for Moncloa (April) and has not even been called after the debacle of 28-M, in which the purple ones were extinguished in a good part of the regional and municipal map. Several territories had demanded this appointment, which comes a week after the executive claimed and obtained full powers from the militancy to manage the pact with Sumar, which the formation has tried to amend after signing it.

Today, from different territories, but also state leaders, they affirm that they are unaware of the objectives of the leadership in this meeting, beyond the evidence that it is necessary to debate the two electoral appointments, the past and the future. Officially, the purple dome does not even reveal the names of the eight candidates for the Congress of Deputies who will enjoy starting positions, those who will foreseeably win a seat, and who do confirm forces present in the negotiation. Only two of them, Roberto Uriarte (first for Álava) and Pilar Garrido (first for Gipuzkoa) are outside Belarra's hard core, something that already generates discomfort with their management. The rest of the positions, they insist, are even more open to changes, something that Sumar denies..

They also criticize Díaz, who some leaders warn that he is “influencing the error of demobilizing the” purple bases, “by distributing secondary positions.”. And there are voices that continue to warn of the ruling that means dispensing with Irene Montero on the lists, an extreme that Sumar considers more than settled, but that for several purple leaders leads to an increase in abstention: “Without Irene, there is no Government”, summary from one of the territories.

“Formally”, they clarify from the top, there is “nothing to endorse”, but they do see it as essential to debate after the negotiations with Sumar, which still today keep the left tense after two weeks of nerves, leaks and accusations. “The lists are being finalized, we will have to report,” another leader abounds. There are those who suggest that Montero could take the opportunity to step aside and assume that he will be left off the lists, but also those who maintain that, despite how emphatically Sumar is publicly shown, the political death of the party cannot be taken for granted. still Minister of Equality. They are a minority, but other leaders warn that Podemos has the option of leaving the confluence, fatally wounding Sumar at the last minute.

The general diagnosis, even among those who acknowledge the management's anger with Díaz, is that they will not make this movement: the Moncloa polls gave them between 5 and 7% of the votes to run separately, affirms a veteran housewife, but this was before the tsunami of 28-M. It is a dead end, the leadership insists: they have signed and will go with Sumar, although they will continue to demand the inclusion of the Minister of Equality. The distribution of positions and resources (Podemos takes 23% of the subsidies from the Ministry of the Interior) is known in detail by the leadership of Belarra, who was the one who managed all the springs. And the uncertainty spreads.

For her part, Montero has been missing from public life since before 28-M, without interviews or statements to the media.. Beyond the appearance after the consultation with the militancy, last Friday, when he read a speech in a venue closed to the media, Belarra has not had any more public agenda than an act in his ministry, a video pressing the PSOE with the measures to be included in the extension of the social shield and a letter sent at dawn to its militants. Without her face or her voice.

The dome went from going out in a rush to demanding their presence on the lists, with Pablo Iglesias at the helm, to almost remaining silent. There has been pressure from LGTBI groups in favor of Montero (some, aligned with the purple ones), but no more appearances before the media. Sumar sources maintain that there have been no new negotiations on Montero, and recall that this option is no longer on the table: “We have the best candidates”, “we are in another phase”, the brand new Sumar spokesman cleared on Thursday , Ernest Urtasún.

“The rage felt by the militancy”, the concern about the positions on the Sahara of the number two of Díaz, Agustín Santos, or the fact that the announced signings are politically in tune with the PSOE, more than with this space on the left, are some of the concerns of leaders who, beyond the pressures to come together with Sumar, have closed ranks around the leadership. If the intention of the left was to leave everything closed and registered this Friday, everyone assumes that the calls and pulses will extend, again, until the last day, Monday. Immediately after, they will have to work to excite the electorate, something that they have not been able to do in these three weeks, and that seems increasingly difficult.

More than 1,500 people in Seville demand job improvements for university staff

CSIF, CCOO and UGT Andalucía have gathered this Thursday in Seville around 1,500 people -according to conveners- to demand a model that allows the financial sufficiency of Andalusian public universities and to demand that the labor improvements agreed for the Teaching and Research Staff be fulfilled (PDI) and for the Administration and Services Staff (PAS) and for “sufficient” funding to maintain the quality of the public university system.

The demonstration took place between the Rectorate of the University of Seville and the Palacio de San Telmo, seat of the Presidency of the Junta de Andalucía. It should be remembered that the mobilization coincided with the last day of the Baccalaureate Assessment Test for University Access (PEvAU).

The person in charge of Universities and vice president of the Education Sector of CSIF Andalusia, Rafael Delgado Calvo-Flores, who has participated in this mobilization, has demanded that “job insecurity in university teachers be ended and that urgent measures be taken against aging that affects the templates”.

The convening union organizations seek to cover one hundred percent of chapter 1 of the personnel budgets and that the agreements reached in 2018 on the regional complement of the PDI and the development of the horizontal career of the PAS are complied with, as well as the payment of arrears corresponding to these five years.

CSIF Educación Andalucía requires the regional administration to “resume negotiations after five months of delay after the call last January for the Andalusian negotiation tables at the university level”. One of the main demands is a new call for regional supplements for the PDI, which “in addition to having not been called for almost five years, affect the most precarious salaries of the templates, corresponding to the personnel of the lowest categories”.

Likewise, CSIF demands the design of a career for the administration and services staff and the full payment of the fifth tranche, an economic claim of the referred staff similar to that of the teaching staff complements.. The adaptation of the Andalusian system of universities to the new national law (LOSU), which requires urgent measures negotiated with the universities and the unions, is another of the demands.

Likewise, with this demonstration the Andalusian Government has been demanded to sit down to negotiate to reach 1% of the Andalusian GDP in the contribution of the Autonomous Community to the Andalusian Public University System to guarantee its quality.

For her part, the general secretary of the CCOO Andalucía Teaching Federation, Marina Venga, described the mobilization as a “success”, remarking that “while the Andalusian government suffocates public universities, it empowers and authorizes private ones, clearly leaving the given their intentions and privatization policies”.