Juntas Sí se Puede, the new party that a Podemos leader and two other unidentified people registered a week ago, is still registered in the Registry of Political Parties of the Ministry of the Interior. Officially, the purple formation claimed that it had been an “error” that would be “rectified” immediately, but days go by and its name continues to appear in the registry. Sources from Podemos and the registry detail to El Confidencial the exchanges that have been held for a week to complete the process without the efforts having resulted so far. The only person whose name appears publicly in the registry, Carlos Gil Cuevas, is part of the State Citizen Council, the party's highest leadership body, and has been proclaimed by the official Podemos account on Twitter as the head of the Congress list for Segovia, in a message that has since been deleted.

The news broke on Thursday of last week. Gil Cuevas, who is also a provincial co-spokesperson in Segovia, and was deputy head of the secretariat in the Ministry of Social Rights during the period of Pablo Iglesias in the coalition government, registered a new political party called Juntas Sí se Puede in the Ministry of the Interior.. He indicated as the registered office the headquarters of the purple formation in Madrid, in which Podemos is also registered. A logo with the name, a web page and an email were included in the registration.

The purple dome has lowered the level of pressure against Yolanda Díaz between Tuesday and Wednesday, whom they want to force Irene Montero to join their lists. The coalition's candidacies have not yet been registered —they have until 11:59 p.m. on Monday the 19th—, and Podemos has a brief margin to leave the Sumar space, if it so decides.. There are precedents among the resolutions of the Central Electoral Board, but it would require the endorsement of the highest body of the electoral administration to be able to leave the coalition and compete with its brand, legal sources affirm.

Taking into account that the JEC meets this Thursday, and that it does not do so every day, this path seems more and more complicated.. Among Sumar's allies, they understand that pointing out the nuclear button is a form of pressure to gain weight in the negotiation that they still insist on maintaining today, despite the slamming of the door that Sumar has already given them publicly.. The case of the phantom party has set off some alarms, fueling the theory that it could be used by the purple party to contest the elections alone, thus leaving the confluence.

The story around the match lit “by mistake” has also drawn attention among the territories, unable to explain a situation that, in the best of cases, they would consider an own goal, with a leader and two other people registering a party, of its own accord. On Thursday, from Podemos they already indicated that they were unaware of this situation and that it was “an error that is being corrected”, suggesting that it was Cuevas's own decision, and without specifying that there were other people involved.. They claimed that they had already asked the ministry to proceed to deregister this new formation, and expressed their confidence that it would soon be completely erased from the map.. At the time of publishing this information, the party continues to appear as registered. It's been a week.

Both the Registry of Parties and Podemos affirm to El Confidencial that, in addition to Carlos Gil Cuevas, two other people appear as legal representatives of Juntas Sí se Puede. The other two identities have not been revealed for now, but their participation is necessary to terminate the formation, according to the sources consulted.. After their registration, the purples sent a letter to the Interior, but it was signed by a person who was not one of the three who registered Together Yes You Can, as explained by the registry. In Podemos, they maintain that the document bore, at least, the signature of Gil Cuevas.

From the registry, they answered that this route was not valid, and explained that, if it were, any person could force the withdrawal of a political party. In this sense, they indicated the way to proceed to carry out the process of deregistering this formation. Earlier this week, a second writing arrived. In this case, it did already bear the name and signatures of the three initial promoters, but they did not detail either the DNI or an electronic signature, necessary requirements to be able to prove their identities.. From the registry, they responded again that this formula was still insufficient, but the Interior officials transmitted that it was enough for Gil Cuevas to provide his electronic signature to put an end to this exchange.

There is no record that there has been any response in the last hours from this purple leader, who has not responded to the contact request of this medium either. In addition to appearing on Ione Belarra's list in the congress for which she became the purple general secretary, Gil Cuevas was indicated by the official Podemos Segovia account on Twitter as head of the list for the 23-J generals for that city. It is not a starting position, and, therefore, it is difficult for him to finally win a seat, even if the purple communication channel specified that he had been appointed by the local executive for this purpose, before it was announced. fade the message.

Neither in Podemos nor in Sumar have clarified if Gil Cuevas will finally go on the lists. In the case of the purple ones, in fact, they said they did not have a firm record from Sumar of which people will finally occupy the positions that correspond to them, by virtue of the agreement signed on Friday, and since a few hours before already criticized by Belarra.

State Citizen Council

The highest body of political leadership of Podemos, in which the legal head of the ghost party participates, will meet again this Saturday, more than two and a half months after its last call, before Yolanda Díaz officially launched her candidacy for Moncloa. And almost two months before the electoral tsunami of 28-M, which has erased Podemos from the parliaments of autonomous communities such as Madrid or Valencia. The polls also left them without 2/3 of the total number of regional deputies they had, in addition to expelling them from five of the six coalition governments of which they were a part. There has been no self-criticism from management in almost three weeks.

The hard core of Belarra, who tops the starting positions, has not yet lost the conviction that they can force Díaz to cede, although this possibility seems increasingly remote.. The pressure from the territories has been reduced, despite the discomfort generated by the fact that the leadership of Madrid takes over most of the starting positions. One of its leaders, questioned why he expects the next Citizen Council, even joked: “When they pass the agenda, we will know”.

Regional leaders had demanded for weeks the convening of this body, since the leadership has not even met to analyze the electoral debacle or the pact with Díaz. Other leaders assume that it will serve as one more element to put pressure on Díaz and to try to convince her that she must count on Montero, who is rejected by many of her allies.

On July 19, four days before the general elections, the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ) will hold what will be the last plenary session led by the current acting president. Rafael Mozo, from the progressive block, will say goodbye to start his retirement and leave behind an even more depleted and weakened body, full of blocks and confrontations in which the passage of time and recent events have taken their toll on an institutional degradation in the one that, what weighs the most, is the unnatural interim that has kept it active for almost a decade.

The departure of Mozo leaves the progressives in a clear minority and opens the way for the replacement of the presidency that, as already happened with him, will be marked by the age of its members. Although the succession is still not clear, the natural candidate is Vicente Guilarte, 70, elected at the time on the proposal of the PP in the turn of renowned jurists. Currently, he practices law, has been a lawyer at the College of Property and Mercantile Registrars of Spain and is a legal adviser at the University of Valladolid.. During the last months, there have been doubts about whether or not he will accept the position, which requires full dedication..

If the forecast is fulfilled, Guilarte will occupy as Mozo only the presidency of the Council and that of the Supreme Court will continue in the hands of Francisco Marín. The TS can only be chaired, even in office, by one of its magistrates and neither Mozo nor his probable substitute meet that condition. The governing body of the judges will remain with 16 members of the original 21, including the president.

The forecasts of all the members suggest that the current CGPJ will continue to be active for at least several months after the general elections. On the agenda for the first 100 days of government, the PP plans to take advantage of a hypothetical change in the majority in Congress to carry out the reform of the Judiciary, with which to modify the system of election of judges and that these be the to elect 12 of the 20 members of the General Council of the Judiciary. In this way, the renewal will not be done with the current rules, but rather most of the new members will be chosen by their fellow students..

The change of the system will inevitably lengthen the times. Once the elections are held and as long as it is the PP who has options to govern, the government formation process would start, which, depending on the results, will be more or less complicated and, with luck, will last for weeks.. After this, the PP would have to approve the legislative reform. Drafting it and carrying it out will continue to add months to the calculation. Finally, the judges would have to organize this internal election of their candidates, a process that, according to the aforementioned sources, will take at least three months, being optimistic.

adding casualties

While all this is happening, the Supreme Court will continue adding casualties, which are not covered as a result of the reform that the current Executive approved and that prevents the Council from making appointments when its term has ended. In the high court, the vacancies exceed 20, with special incidence in the Contentious-Administrative and Social Chambers.

The PP may try to stop this trickle of exits without replacement with intermediate solutions that avoid damage. One of the possibilities is the total or partial repeal of this limiting reform of appointments. The other is already reflected in the bill that Feijóo's party registered in the last legislature: raise the retirement age of magistrates, now set at 72, to 74, and thus gain time to implement the new system.

The attacks on the security forces in the streets have marked the start of the union election campaign in the National Police, which will be held on June 28. The Spanish Police Confederation (CEP) has released a documentary in which it puts the issue on the table with a question as the common thread: “If the Police are not protected, who is?”. Fatality has made this debate coincide with the death over the weekend of a uniformed officer in Andújar (Jaén) when he went to reduce an exalted man who had confronted another agent. This event led all the unions to postpone the start of the electoral acts for 24 hours as a show of solidarity with their family and friends..

“He punched me, I lost consciousness”, “I was going after Manu with the knife up, stabbing him, I thought he was dead”, “hitting a policeman, in most cases, is free”. These are some first-person testimonies shown by the documentary released by the CEP. It addresses issues such as the principle of authority of the police, protection measures or the little support they receive from police officers. Agents who were injured in Citizen Security interventions and had to leave the service prematurely participate.

“It is a crime to step on the street and be threatened, insulted, attacked and nobody tries to stop this situation,” says another of the messages from this campaign.. Images of the injuries suffered by the police as a result of blows and stab wounds follow one another. In 2022, there were 12,843 crimes of attack against an agent of authority. Most of them, 72%, occurred against national police officers. According to their data, attacks last year reached the highest figure in the last 15 years and mean 7.6% more than in 2021..

👮🏻‍♂️ That the police do not feel protected, #TieneDelito

👮🏻 That those who play it on the street every day do not have physical and legal security, #TieneDelito

🚓 That the principle of authority is on the ground in 🇪🇸, #TieneDelito

🗳️ For this reason, on 28-J #VotaCEP to the Council of… pic.twitter.com/Ye00gWqKuj

– CEP (@cep_cepolicia) June 12, 2023

For this reason, they ask to increase the penalties for an attack against an agent of the authority. Currently, it is punishable by a sentence of between six months and three years in prison.. They also propose to review the Citizen Security Law, to reinforce the protection of the police, and a “massive purchase” of protection materials. In addition, they defend a legal reform that eliminates the disqualification to continue practicing in the event of a conviction related to police activity.. They also propose having civil liability insurance that covers interventions. The protection of professionals is monopolizing the first stages of the campaign to the detriment of other usual demands, such as salary equalization or the retirement of agents.

The elections

On June 28, 72,161 national police officers are called to vote. The unions that attend the elections are disputing 14 seats in the Police Council, the body of communication between the police and the Ministry of the Interior. It is the table where improvements are requested for agents. These positions are divided between one from the higher scale, two from the executive scale, one from the sub-inspection scale and 10 from the basic scale.. In the last one, four years ago, Jupol clearly prevailed, despite its short union career.

Jupol was born as a movement under the name of Jusapol. In its beginnings, they refused to become a union and based their strength on street mobilizations in the heat of the claim to be equal in salary with the Mossos d'Esquadra, the Ertzaintza and the local police. Finally, they were constituted as a union and managed to capitalize at the polls a critical discourse with the historical union brands. It was an irruption in parallel to the one that occurred in politics with the emergence of new parties. Jupol ousted the other unions with long experience that had negotiated with the ministry a salary increase for police officers.

One of the unknowns in these elections is whether Jupol, who always considered this improvement in salaries insufficient, accuses these four years of institutional activity. The historic Unified Police Union (SUP) aspires to regain hegemony in the Council, where it has always been closely followed by the Spanish Police Confederation (CEP), mainly at the basic level. In the command scales, on the other hand, the union with the most votes is usually the Police Professional Union (SPP).. Other groups with a tradition that go to the polls is the Federal Police Union (UFP)..

All of them showed their union of action on Sunday, when the death of their partner in Andújar was known, caused by a bullet that hit by accident from another local police officer who was involved in the event.. All the platforms agreed to delay the start of the campaign by one day, which was set for this Monday. It so happens that the constitution of the new Police Council that comes out of the elections will be chaired by the Minister of the Interior, Fernando Grande-Marlaska, because it would be feasible to carry it out in mid-July, although his presence is optional..

The Town Hall of Sant Josep de sa Talaia (Ibiza) remains in vilo. Early Tuesday morning, the Civil Guard began a search of the Urbanism offices, in addition to other parts of the island, in which the acting mayor and also councilor of this department, the socialist Ángel Luis Guerrero, was arrested.. The cause of this operation, which at the moment points to the Consistory, has not yet been disclosed. Neither the exact number of arrested, but among them is a lawyer from the local Administration and another private lawyer. The forecast is that this Thursday the councilor will go to court.

“We fully trust our colleague Ángel Luis Guerrero and the officials of this house because we know that they work hard to make things work,” said the first deputy mayor, Pilar Ribas, one day after the arrest.. The night before, the mayor spent it in the barracks of the Benemérita de Sant Antoni. The agents continue in the investigation of proceedings, since the operation is under judicial secrecy and in charge of the Investigating Court number 3 of Ibiza.

In response to the media, he acknowledged that they are waiting to hear the latest news on the case. He also defended the work of the Urban Planning department, with actions under his mandate such as the demolition of the illegal constructions of Casa Lola. “We will not answer any more questions, at least until we have more information,” he concluded, while wishing that everything “be fixed as soon as possible” so that “the legislature ends accordingly.”.

Under summary secrecy

When the police authorities arrived at the municipal offices, they evacuated from the facilities the officials and citizens who were inside, preventing anyone outside the operation from entering.. Throughout Tuesday morning, the mayor and other Urban Planning officials remained inside.. They collaborated with the requests of the agents, who downloaded files in the registry that they apparently carried out together with a judicial secretary.

The councilor's defense, lawyer José María Costa, assured then that he had not seen any file related to the “legal classification” of the crimes that his client is accused of.. Although he was present at the searches, he said he did not know what the Civil Guard was looking for. “They search and do not say, it is normal and I respect it as an investigation”, was his conclusion.

Let's turn what happened into a differentiable triptych, but linked together. The Popular Party agrees with Vox in the Valencian Community and the agreement is received as if it were a surprise, first perplexity, as a danger to democracy, second distortion, and as a concession to a woman abuser, third distortion. So, in order not to reproduce some paste in which policies are mixed with pacts and pacts with abusers, let's paint that differentiated picture. Like those paintings in churches, in the Middle Ages, divided into three panels or squares, joined by hinges and related to each other, but perfectly distinguishable.. And in the center, the politics.

the pacts

All democracies, by concept, are government systems without ideology, discounting the one contained in the Constitution, which has been approved by all citizens.. Therefore, the government of two parties that are running for election, with constitutional support, can never suppose a “democratic involution” or an “anti-democratic pact”, as is repeated on the left when they refer to the one reached by the PP and vox. Democracy has no political color, not even when parties from the extreme left reach the government, as has happened in Spain, or from the extreme right, as happens in Italy, Poland or Hungary.. The essence of democracies is the strength of the powers of the State and, in the case of Europe, the close surveillance that is exercised over all national legislation that affects the founding principles and rights of the European Union. In addition, in Europe the most effective of democratic medicines is always used, sanctions and penalties in the distribution of European funds. In Poland they know it well, but in Spain President Pedro Sánchez and his partners from Podemos were also able to verify it when they sought an assault on the judiciary.

Does all this mean that we should applaud the ultra-right and the extreme left reaching the governments? Not at all, among other things, because we are not talking about personal preferences, but about democratic and constitutional principles. Much more in a country like ours, Spain, where the two main political forces, PP and PSOE, have tried by all means to end the political center as an independent force and in which society, as it has historically shown, detests centrality , understood here as a sanctimonious equidistance by the majority. If socialists and popularists do not decide to facilitate the governments of the adversary when they win elections without an absolute majority, there is only one path left: the pact with the extremes that they later cynically condemn.

The politics

The best advice that Julio Anguita left us, usable throughout the political arc, is the one that advocated abandoning clichés and focusing only on the contents. “Program, program and program”, said the Caliph of Córdoba. The bad news is that Spain is also a country that tends to be more concerned with forms in politics than with content.. The normal thing, unfortunately, is that each one analyzes the political agreements depending on their preferences: those on the left consider the agreements of the Socialists with the Basque and Catalan independentistas a democratic advance, while they consider it a democratic regression that a ruler of the Popular Party signs a deal with the extreme right. And vice versa. The scrupulously democratic rigor would indicate to us, however, that the fundamental thing when drawing red lines is that it be done on policies, not on acronyms.

The PSOE and the PP are obliged in their respective government pacts to clearly outline the limits of those policies that turn their partners into extremist parties. That has been the downfall of Pedro Sánchez, for example, in his agreements with Esquerra and Bildu. In the case of Vox, the essentials are the red lines in immigration, in gender violence and in respect for LGTBI minorities. On the contrary, what is deeply undemocratic are the previous vetoes and, much more, the ad hominem vetoes, which is precisely what the PP has incurred in its Valencia pact with that Vox leader who was convicted of gender violence..

The abusers

The veto of the person is the most reprehensible part of the Popular Party in this Valencia pact, because what is important is camouflaged, which are the policies, and the unconstitutional atrocity of life sentence is committed. The enormous risk, commented on other times, of the invasion of the woke movement in political speeches is that it introduces inquisitorial censorship in the defense of noble causes, such as all those related to racism or violence against women.. The struggle for real equality can never produce the monster of a new inequality. The man who leads Vox in the Valencian Community was sentenced 20 years ago (20 years!) for a “habitual crime of psychic violence” with “coercion, insults and harassment” against his ex-wife. One year in prison, a 6,000-euro fine and disqualification from passive suffrage, to be elected public office, also for one year. The guy, his name is Carlos Flores, who had been a member of Fuerza Nueva, separated from his wife and, since then, constantly harassed her with the worst insults, even in front of their children.. Let us rule out, once again, personal considerations about the moral character of this man, because it is not the case.. What we must consider – again the Constitution – is that the ultimate goal of the penalties in Spain is the reinsertion of the offender (article 25.2). In the name of what and who can arrogate the authority to establish what type of crimes must be perpetuated eternally?

Legislative and dialectical excesses in the fight against gender violence are what are causing, paradoxically, the trivialization and denial of many adolescents, as recent studies show, in a problem as serious as violence against women. The fundamentals of this Carlos Flores, what concerns us in this pact, is not what happened 20 years ago, but what happens now with the policies of the Valencia pact. And it is there where we must be attentive to the regression in the fight against gender violence and in favor of real equality for women. The politics, yes, the politics. not the inquisition. That is why the policies are the ones that are in the central picture of this triptych of assumed falsehoods and impostures.

Having already overcome the situations caused by the pandemic, companies are now facing an unexpected legacy such as international teleworking for employees.. Requests from employees to telework outside the countries where their companies or workplaces are located have increased significantly, affecting most business sectors, although it is true that some such as technology, telecommunications, etc.. are being especially involved.

In addition, to this new situation it is necessary to add the shortage of talent at a global level, which increases the need for certain companies to adopt urgent measures regarding international teleworking in order not to be deprived of this talent that is so necessary for the development of their activity. Therefore, in many cases, companies accept the requests of the famous digital nomads profiles with the aim of teleworking from anywhere in the world, unaware of the consequences, both individual and corporate, that this decision may derive from..

In parallel, the institutions seem to be reacting to this dynamic and seek to attract these digital nomad profiles with certain facilities and flexibility in immigration procedures or even tax advantages that end up convincing them to settle in their countries.. As an example, we have the recent approval in Spain of the startup law, which, among other novelties, includes the telework visa and the possibility of opting for the special tax regime, known as the Beckham law, for teleworkers who settle in Spain.

In order for a company to bet on international teleworking to be successful, it is necessary that, in the first place, the possible implications that this situation entails be analyzed.. This analysis must include aspects such as the tax, immigration, labor and Social Security regime and, in addition, it is highly recommended that it be carried out in advance of the displacement, since there are many situations in which the area to which the employee belongs has allowed a displacement to telework from another country without having the approval of their respective HR department, thus complicating regularization.

In the tax sphere, moving for a long period (for example, two years), or even indefinitely, to another country will entail in most cases the loss of tax residence in origin and the acquisition of the Tax residence at destination for the international teleworker. This implies two points to take into account:

• In the first place, the employee must be aware that the country of destination may require payment of its taxes and must therefore register for tax purposes and become familiar with the corresponding tax system.
• Secondly, the company must be aware of the corporate impact generated by having said worker there (for example, if this displacement could imply the existence of a Permanent Establishment at the destination, with important tax implications, or if it must assume the obligation to register in order to make the corresponding withholdings for salaries paid from Spain). Likewise, it is worth noting that it will be necessary to review the regulations applicable in each country, since some territories have stricter regulations than others and, through the obligations imposed on the companies of origin, they seek to guarantee effective taxation of the employee.

At the Social Security level, it is also relevant to review the alternatives or obligations that exist in each case.. In this sense, it is true that at an international level we have applicable regulations, as is the case of Community Regulation 883/2004 and the bilateral agreements signed between Spain and different countries that allow the person to move through the employer to provide their services temporary to another country, continue contributing in the country of origin, although these regulations have become obsolete and do not contemplate forms of international teleworking, making it difficult to find accommodation in them to cover international teleworking situations that exist today.

Having said the above, it is essential to consider whether the employer must register in the Social Security system of the country of destination and make contributions in it due to the fact that they have agreed to allow their employee to work there permanently..

Last, but not least, is the migratory plane. This aspect would affect the employee who travels to the corresponding country, since he must be aware that visiting the country for a couple of weeks of vacation is not the same as establishing himself permanently in the country of destination and working from there, since this It implies having the mandatory residence and work permits in each place. For the company, although it could be thought that it cannot and should not intervene in this process, it is no less true that there is always a reputational risk in the event that the employee is detected by the destination authorities and identifies himself as a company worker..

In conclusion, the idyllic possibility of teleworking from a paradisiacal beach with the authorization of the company is necessarily accompanied by implications for both parties, the company and the international teleworker, which must undoubtedly be known and accepted before giving the green light to these new situations. more and more frequent, currently being a new reality between companies and employees that, for now, seems to have come to stay.

*Daniel Enriquez Aguado. Senior manager. PeopleServices. KPMG Lawyers.

If there is a town in Malaga where the politically impossible can come true, without a doubt, that is Manilva.. Located on the Western Costa del Sol, close to Estepona and Marbella, this municipality, for example, has the dubious recognition that its last five mayors have been investigated or prosecuted. The last one, Mario Jiménez, currently sits on the bench for his alleged involvement in the granting of municipal contracts to the husband of the previous councilor, Antonia Muñoz, convicted of 749 cases of plugging. A circumstance that has not prevented Jiménez, and his party, Compromiso Manilva, from being the most voted option in the municipal elections of 28-M. Five councilors who, added to the three from the PSOE, intended to lead a next government team. Option that would be useless because, if nothing remedies it in the next few hours, PP and Izquierda Unida will present an alternative coalition that would achieve the investiture if they achieve the support of the only Vox mayor.

The results thrown by the polls drew a scenario with four parties even in councilors and votes and a multitude of possibilities for agreements where the absolute majority is only achievable through a tripartite. Commitment Manilva and PSOE, first and fourth force, with five and three councilors, respectively, were the first to make a move and last Friday they made public a Government agreement.

The announcement was surprising because both formations did not have an absolute majority, which is why it was seen as an attempt to force the IU to facilitate the investiture with the vote in favor of at least one of its four mayors.. Nothing could be further from the truth. People familiar with the peculiar political life of this town maintained that the left-wing coalition, which attended the municipal elections under the generic name of Con Andalucía, would “never” make Mario Jiménez mayor and they considered this possibility bizarre because “they maintain that Compromiso Manilva represents to corruption”.

The blockade to which the Consistory seemed committed has begun to unravel in the last hours with a hypothetical alliance that would generate quite a bit of surprise due to the ideological positions of its protagonists and that would turn the PP and Izquierda Unida into government partners. Sources from the different formations involved acknowledged to El Confidencial that, although “nothing is closed”, “there are conversations”; to then add that “they are very advanced”.

This would imply that the four representatives obtained by both parties would need external support or the formation of a tripartite with the only councilor obtained by Vox. A member of the IU provincial leadership, three days after the town halls were constituted, confessed that he did not know what his fellow students in Manilva were going to do. And he answered “that's what I would like to know”, when he was questioned about the meaning of his vote. The truth is that the elected councilors are slipping that they do not fear a possible expulsion from the party and are in favor of an agreement that would make their desire to remove Compromiso Manilva come true, despite the fact that this would imply that they could be considered defectors.

In this scenario, all the spotlights are on those of Santiago Abascal, with whom they are also negotiating. The key to the mayor's office is held by Antonio José Marín, to whom 302 votes have granted him a councilor's act, and who will have to amend part of his speech. In an interview published by Manilva WS, the then candidate stated that his party “will never give way to the left”. “We are not going to favor the entry of the left, either with our vote in favor, or with the abstention,” he reiterated.. This argument would imply refusing to make the popular José Manuel Fernández mayor for going hand in hand with the IU. But it is that the candidate of the green formation also assured that he would not agree with someone prosecuted or investigated, like the current councilor, because it is “a red line of Vox”. “Not even if they offered me to be part of the government team,” he insisted, to close the door on any alliance with the Manilva Commitment.

The different sources consulted remarked that the negotiations will continue in the next few hours. If the strange coalition were forged, which was repeated months ago in Casabermeja, it would mean a before and after in the municipality's politics because —if the parties involved in the possible coalition agreed so— it would be the first time that a PP leader would obtain the command rod. Well, the management of the town has been, for the most part, in the hands of independent parties and left-wing formations, and it seems remote that the popular and the Vox mayor would accept an IU councilor.

Manilva has been a town that has gained space in the national media due to its continued cases of corruption that have been splashing successive councilors. The accountant began in 2005 with the arrest of Pedro Tirado, a former member of the GIL who went on to lead the Democratic Party of Manilva.. The arrest occurred during the investigation of the White Whale operation.

A short time later, specifically in 2009, the investigation of the Manilva case began, which would be divided into three pieces. That of “hiring by hand” to create a network of clienteles that would perpetuate the United Left in power, already judged; another related to the awarding of contracts to companies belonging to the husband of Antonia Muñoz; and that of the transfers to the urban entity El Hacho, awaiting a ruling.

As a result of this latest investigation, the current councilor sat on the bench in the company of the person who held his commanding post when the events occurred, Antonia Muñoz, sentenced along with part of her team.. The Prosecutor's Office requested in its indictment four years in prison for Mario Jiménez, as well as eight for Muñoz.

During the investigation of the Manilva case, another investigation was initiated for an alleged electoral crime after a vote-buying was denounced in the 2011 municipal elections that led the mayor Paqui López to the bench, who at that time belonged to IU and later became a member of the part of Manilva Commitment.

And more recently, in February 2020, Antonia Muñoz was arrested during an investigation for money laundering through real estate investments.. Another 13 people were arrested during the operation..

Xavier Trias was the most voted candidate in Barcelona on 28-M. The head of the JxCAT list has achieved more councilors than anyone, 11. His strategy is to remain silent and wait for the cross vetoes of his rivals to do his dirty work so that he can be sworn in next Saturday at 5:00 p.m. as the new mayor of the Catalan capital.. If all goes well, he will cross the Plaza Sant Jaume surrounded by his followers and enter the Palau de la Generalitat, where the Catalan president, Pere Aragonès, will entertain him with a reception, as is traditional in Catalonia.

The confluences against him have not worked in Ada Colau's attempt to dislodge him with a left-wing tripartite and three rotating mayoralties. After Colau's idea, Trias met with Ernest Maragall to guarantee the support of ERC and that the Republicans would not fall for the siren songs of the still acting mayor. Maragall is reluctant to remove a pro-independence mayor like Trias from the mayor's office, as Colau proposes.

Ada Colau also has her own misgivings. He does not want to make the socialist Jaume Collboni mayor with the votes of the four PP councillors, headed by Daniel Sirera. She was mayor with the support of Manuel Valls in 2019. Now, the support of the popular would only serve to be a government partner of a mayor of the PSC.

Something symmetrical, but in reverse, happens to the PP. Deliver the second city of Spain to a mayor of Pedro Sánchez, the same one who closed the campaign of the municipal ones in Barcelona. Sirera came to joke with a veto for Colau to hand over his four councilors to an operation in which the commons and the PSC blocked the way to a victorious Trias.

In fact, Colau is also reluctant to give his votes to Collboni. She considers that if she does, she has to be mayor for a while, something that Collboni resists.. The PSC wants the free votes of the commons just for giving them the satisfaction of derailing the right that Trias represents.

All these suspicions of all against all have only one beneficiary: Xavier Trias himself, who if he does not manage to be chosen by a majority, will be appointed mayor only for having been the most voted for, as established by law. That is why the JxCAT candidate is silent, aware that his silence brings him closer to the mayoralty.

Vox and its invalid votes

The Central Electoral Board (JEC) ruled this Wednesday on the invalid votes of Vox. He did not go into the substance of the matter and rejected the claim of those of Santiago Abascal. The JEC alleges that the formation did not protest at the tables, largely because it had fewer proxies and auditors than the rest of the formations. Thus, the PSC saves a councilor who could have lost. By not contesting the elections, the plenary session of the constitution will take place on Saturday, June 17, as planned. Bad for those who needed more time to reach an agreement.

Ironically, the electoral environment created by Pedro Sánchez, by calling general elections for July 23, blocked any possibility that Jaume Collboni could close a pact to become mayor. Without these elections, perhaps the PP would have been able to facilitate the investiture of the PSC candidate. But in the new political context, this situation has become impossible.. That is why these days most of the actors in the Catalan consistory seem blocked. Only Ada Colau tries to maneuver, but her proposals do not prosper either. And that is how the days go by. Until the moment arrives for the reception of the new mayor in the Generalitat.

The secrecy that Alberto Núñez Feijóo imposed around his lists led this Wednesday to a certain “disappointment” in the PP. The first name to come out of the hype was number two for Madrid. The Galician had chosen Marta Rivera de la Cruz, former Citizens and Minister of Culture in the Government of Isabel Díaz Ayuso. If the idea of the national leadership was to surprise, it succeeded. No one in the popular ranks contemplated his name in any pool. A “signing of weight” was expected after the general secretary, Cuca Gamarra, was head of the list for La Rioja. “Who is Marta Rivera? I don't put a face on it ”, they wondered in the territories, where they did not come out of amazement.

Beyond the fact that he is not a member of the PP, the downside that Rivera de la Cruz is given is that he is a “middleweight”. The reflection that was made in the party was that when an independent or an outsider is incorporated, what is sought is to give a coup d'état. “If it had been Villacís, it would be understood,” said a baron who has been fighting with Genoa over the names in recent weeks. That Feijóo wanted “transversal” lists and would incorporate former Cs charges was known. The Galician was looking for women with profiles such as Begoña Villacís or Inés Arrimadas, who would focus the candidacy.

In the case of the former deputy mayor of Madrid, the Galician came to speak with her to incorporate her into the PP. The failed meeting with the general coordinator, Elías Bendodo, before making the candidacy for the Madrid City Council was the end point. She has not been contacted again after she lost her elected status on 28-M. Arrimadas never considered the trip to Genoa, although, according to popular sources, it would have been “very well received”.. His relationship with the PP deteriorated in the time of Pablo Casado, when the former secretary general Teodoro García Egea incorporated Fran Hervías to dismantle Ciudadanos.

Rivera de la Cruz, in addition to the orange past in the match, is placed as a “quota” Ayuso. The president of the Community of Madrid has placed people she trusts in leading positions in Congress, such as the former president of the Assembly Eugenia Carballedo, Pedro Múñoz Abrines or Jaime de los Santos. Feijóo has opted since he arrived to close wounds with the baroness. His absolute majority gives him gallons to have a voice at the national level. His chief of staff, Miguel Ángel Rodríguez, has also advised the president of the PP “when required,” according to popular sources.

Another of the most repeated names among the PP charges was that of Fátima Báñez. She was expected as a tandem with Feijóo. And as it already happened for the position of general secretary, it has not finished landing. “We needed someone strong economically,” lamented a veteran, who ventured that “a minister does not come out of this group.” This is where the second phase comes into play. The popular believe that Feijóo has saved the letter from Mariano Rajoy's ex for when he lands in Moncloa. From Isabel García Tejerina to the former Minister of Development Íñigo de la Serna, several appear among those called to have a chair in the future Council of Ministers together with Báñez. With Rajoy, they have been talking about the preparation of the lists. The PP asks that the experience of those exiled by the motion of censure be thrown away if 23-J is won.

At the hand of the other former president, José María Aznar, it is attributed that Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo continues as a deputy. In Genoa there were those who vetoed his name, but Feijóo is a born integrator. He knows that to broaden the party he must have the different sensibilities. Álvarez de Toledo represents the most liberal part of the PP and can help fish among Vox voters. Carlos Aragonés also comes from Aznarism. Within his vocation of “not making blood”, the Galician has kept several married couples on the list, such as Beatriz Fanjul or Antonio González Terol, among others.

The Galicians are other of the protagonists. The former president of the Xunta has surrounded himself with two women of his absolute confidence, Marta Varela, his chief of staff in Genoa, and his right-hand man since he was in the opposition in Galicia, Mar Sánchez Sierra. Since he landed in Madrid, the leader of the PP has maintained his hard core in Galicia, which also includes the head of Organization, Miguel Tellado. Despite the fact that “not opening up” has been made ugly internally, these appointments reinforce the theory that Feijóo “trusts very few”. Beyond an award for those who have escorted him in his political career, in the PP it is read as a clear declaration of intentions to shield itself. The case of Jorge Moragas is only remembered as a chief of staff with a seat.

The Catalan independence movement revives its offensive against the Crown. The Princess of Girona Foundation awards ceremony, convened for next July, is the perfect excuse to force one of the most recurring fronts of sovereignty in its lowest hours of mobilization and tension in the streets. The promoter is now the anti-monarchy coordinator of the Girona Regions, linked to the Catalan National Assembly (ANC), which has orchestrated a massive boycott against an act of the entity at the Vedruna school in the city. The management of the center itself was even combative against the King at the gates of the event.

An incident began to heat the atmosphere last week. The anti-monarchy coordinator called a demonstration in the famous Plaza del Vi “against the Princess of Girona Foundation awards”. His motto, present in photos where photos of King Felipe VI are burned, is that “in Girona we have neither a king nor a princess and we will not accept that any Bourbon use the name of our city and regions as a symbol of their occupation”. Quim Tell, spokesperson for the coordinator, tried to hang a banner at the foundation's headquarters, but it fell to the ground and was immobilized and detained by the Mossos, accused of attacking law enforcement officers. After a few hours at police headquarters, he was released. The episode gave wings to the most radical independence movement in its particular crusade.

The Princess of Girona Foundation had planned an event at the Vedruna school this Monday, which sparked an intense pro-independence campaign. A statement from the anti-monarchist coordinator explains that its activists contacted the parents of the school and orchestrated a boycott of classes that day.. The management itself joined the attack. “The school, during the decision-making process for this act, was not aware of its direct relationship with the Princess of Girona Foundation, since there is another entity linked: Art House Academy of Miami. The awareness of the role of the Princess of Girona Foundation in this event has meant that the Vedruna school did not continue with the celebration of this activity, which was only intended to be a musical show for young talents”. The school institution recalls that “it does not host any activities of the Princess of Girona Foundation”.

The coordinator, created a year ago, is controlled by the ANC and Òmnium Cultural, although it also welcomes entities such as the radical group La Forja, the bookstore Les Voltes (of the Matamala family, one of the main supporters of Carles Puigdemont), the Casal El Forn, the Students' Union of the Catalan Countries (SEPC), the defense committee of the Republic (CDR) of Girona, for the Girona Vota platform, for ADAC and for Ateneu 24 de Juny..

The ANC criticized in a statement the “unjustified violence” of the Mossos during the aforementioned episode. “Once reduced to the ground, he received a knee blow to the back from a mosso and sustained knee pressure on the neck from another,” he says.. More theatrical is a video edited by the former leader of Podemos in Catalonia and today an independence activist Albano-Dante Fachín, who began distributing a seven-minute video that is a harsh plea against the monarchy. Her partner, former deputy Marta Sibina, recounts in the same reproduction that “the person who was going to hang her lost her balance, fell and four mossos jumped on her and put a knee on her neck, a very dangerous practice, which is the one that killed George Floyd in the United States”.

🔴The OCTUVE video about the Princesa de Girona Foundation has had:
▶️126,000 views in 36 hours!
Their propaganda must be destroyed!
If you haven't seen it yet, share it: https://t.co/F7eC0FvvxX
Good morning!

— Albano-Dante Fachín (@AlbanoDante76) June 13, 2023

Independentist circles also explain that the Unigirona women's league basketball club also demanded the withdrawal of its logo from the sponsorship of Semana del Talento, which was held between June 8 and 13, because it was unaware that after those days the institution monarchical. Actually, the Foundation is one more of the sponsors.

It is a week of presentations, debates, workshops, concerts, workshops, exhibitions and shows led and directed by young people.. Its sponsors also include the La Caixa Foundation, Barcelona Mobile, Harbor Space University, the Sabadell Foundation, Samsung, Imagine, Pimec, Art House Academy or the Telefónica Foundation, among others.. The presence of the Princess of Girona Foundation does not stand out from the others, since this is not an event controlled by the Royal Household. Consulted by El Confidencial, the Unigirona club did not give its version of the decision.

These types of episodes are not new.. In 2018, after the illegal referendum, the Girona City Council, in the hands of Marta Madrenas (the successor to Carles Puigdemont at the head of the consistory), denied permission to leave the City Auditorium to the Foundation, citing works. The mayor approved a motion to deny that scenario in the coming years. “The reason is the King's speech on October 3, 2017 and the fact that the Girona City Council agreed by a large municipal majority on October 24 to declare King Felipe VI persona non grata”, according to an official spokesperson told El Confidential at the time

The anti-monarchy campaign feeds on the contributions of anti-monarchist activists. The aforementioned Fachín video is meant to be a document that supposedly exposes the companies that support the Bourbons in Catalonia, although it is still a Manichean, superficial and manipulated story that makes good the maxim that, “when you don't have arguments to mess with someone, mess with their ancestors”. This is how he brings up names of companies that are on the Board of Trustees of the Princess of Girona Foundation, targeting those with less economic weight and expanding on their history. De Celler del Pescador, for example, explains that he organizes the Perelada Festival every year “in the Castell de Perelada, where Franco used to stop when he came to Catalonia”.

The document makes clear that this castle has always belonged to Artur Suqué and Carmen Mateu. The first was Jordi Pujol's desk partner and, curiously, the man who had all the casino concessions in Catalonia granted by the Generalitat; the second is from the saga of the Mateu, Catalan great men very close to the dictator who held important positions in the Franco regime, from the French embassy to the Barcelona Mayor's Office through the presidency of the Caja de Pensiones, the EFE news agency or the employers' association Promotion of National Work.

The Suqué-Puig ended up being the classic example of the Catalan bourgeoisie converted to nationalism in the Transition, to the point that the first scandal for illegal financing of CiU was with the company Casinos de Catalunya in the 90s. Convergència was sentenced, but it was not applied because the crime had prescribed, after dancing between courts for more than a decade. The video, apart from telling the story that interests it and hiding interesting facts, tiptoes over the most substantial firms, which it only mentions in passing: the Dalí Foundation, the Damm Foundation, Godó (sic), Vichy Catalán or Fritz Ravich , For example. There is no story behind them in the video.

Fachín, on the other hand, is baited with the president of the Foundation, Francisco Belil. But in his family saga he found nothing, so the alleged complaint puts his sights on the Bertelsmann Foundation, in which Belil is also vice president. There it does point out that its founder was one of the promoters of the Nazi SS. It also highlights that one of his grandchildren is a “personal friend of Juan Carlos I for many years”, to conclude by concluding that, in 1998, the Bertelsmann Foundation received the Communication Award from the Prince of Asturias Foundation.. “This is how the Prince of Asturias award was used to hide the company's Nazi past,” says Sibina in the video. Another who is in the spotlight is José Felipe Bertrán de Caralt, a member of the Catalan aristocracy arrested in the 1990s by the corrupt judge Lluís Pasqual Estevill and who was sentenced to six years in prison for tax offenses.. The video gives a good account of the charges held by his ancestors.

Attack against Aragones

He does not miss the opportunity to put his finger in ERC's eye: “In 2018, President Quim Torra signed the resignation of being honorary vice president of the Princess of Girona Foundation, a position normally associated with the position of president of the Generalitat. Today, however, if we look at the Foundation's website, we see that the honorary vice-president is once again, after Leonor and Felipe, the president of the Generalitat, Pere Aragonès”. Actually, the name of Aragonès does not appear in the organization chart, although the position of president of the Generalitat is there for a matter of protocol.

The video ends by recalling that, “on October 3, 2017, Felipe de Borbón stood in front of the 'go for them' and endorsed and applauded the violence against the Catalans. Since then, the Bourbons have been working hard to regain symbolic control of Catalonia.. The Princess of Girona Foundation is one of their main propaganda weapons and that is why they react violently against anyone who tries to denounce the corruption of the Bourbons and their connections to fascism (…) In July, the Princess of Girona awards are presented.. The Royal House takes advantage of the event to whiten its image and to remove Leonor by pronouncing a few words in Catalan. We believe that it is necessary to spoil their propaganda and make everyone know who are the Catalan people and companies that give explicit support to the Bourbons who applauded the violence against the Catalans on 1-O”.