Five school cafeterias in La Rioja have reported to the Ministry of Education the discovery of worm larvae in one of the dishes on their menus, which in all cases were removed without being served to the students.

Sources from the regional government have explained to EFE that an investigation has been opened to clarify what happened and determine if it could lead to a file against the concessionaire company of the Riojan school cafeterias, Serunión..

According to the information provided by families from these centers to the Federation of Parents' Associations (Fapa Rioja), in the cases known to them, the larvae were found in pasta dishes served in different centers in the community.. These are schools that “are very separated from each other, in different locations, so we do not know if there are more or if others have realized this before serving it,” although “what we can confirm is that the children did not consume the food,” the technical secretary of this Federation, Esteban García, detailed to EFE.

This organization has been denouncing for years the lack of quality that, in its opinion, school cafeteria menus have and demands the presence of cooks in educational centers instead of bringing food prepared from outside them..

Appealing to the governability of the State as an excuse to seek support “even under the rocks” is a way of covering up the poverty of Sánchez and his surroundings.. Nobody denies the right and duty to forge parliamentary majorities. The price is discussed and the danger is warned, because scorpions live under stones and their stingers can be deadly.. Faced with this risk, there are no reasoned answers, but rather tangents and canned speeches that serve in a nursery school, not in a mature society..

The warnings against a surrender of the State in the face of declared enemies of the State, as a price to pay for Sánchez's continuity in power, continue to sound urgent in public opinion, institutions and a good part of the socialist family.. But, instead of deactivating them with consistent reasoning, they exchange their poor argument for the Sun Tzu doctrine: the best defense is a good attack..

Namely: Guerra is a sexist, The PP calls a demonstration because it is desperate, Felipe is a “dinosaur”, the PP is wasting our time, Feijóo recognizes himself in the opposition (tomorrow, mass bath in Madrid) before knowing If Congress supports him as future president of the Government, Felipe also changed his mind. Whatever it takes, in order to divert attention without addressing the underlying accusation: governance of the State in the hands of those who want to destroy it..

The last preventive softener of an amnesty for the 2017 coup plotters that the PSOE always considered “anti-constitutional” is that the political conflict in Catalonia should never have been judicialized. It is not explained what the Judiciary has to do when political motivation generates criminal behavior. Not words, not ideas, no matter how subversive they may be..

The problem is the facts. Hitler also turned the hunt for Jews and communists into state doctrine.. The excessiveness of the comparison does not abolish the alibi. The motivational principle is the same. Politics can never be an excuse for inhuman conduct, as in the case of the Nazis, nor only for criminal conduct, such as that contemplated in the Penal Code in a democracy.. And even less so when appeals to political motivation are sudden, occasional, ad hoc.. In this case, demanded overnight by Sánchez's state of need, or a “political urgency”, as Aitor Esteban says.

Between politics and the judiciary, in the wake of the 2017 coup storm in Catalonia, I only remember the former magistrate Martín Pallín and the constitutionalist Javier Pérez Royo preaching in the desert against the use of the Penal Code to confront the Catalan conflict, while the PSOE supported 155 and Pedro Sánchez described what happened as a “rebellion”, established the doctrine that “no one is above the law” and, already on the eve of the 2019 elections, committed to bringing Puigdemont back to Spain to be held accountable. before the Spanish justice.

Why this sudden fall from the horse?

Well, to the mischief of the electoral count on July 23 that put Sánchez's political future in the hands of the Waterloo fugitive. The rest is taking us for idiots and clinging to the values of a century-old party that is the yeast of Spain and has always passionately defended the freedom and equality of all Spaniards.

And the risk comes from exposing oneself to suffering the sting of the scorpion that lives under the stones where Sánchez seeks votes to continue in Moncloa. It only bites if they invade its space. It's in your nature. He can't help it, like in the fable of the frog who at a bad time offered to carry him across the river.

The Unilateral Declaration of Independence of the Catalan Parliament, on October 27, 2017, to be a “State” in the form of a “republic”, opened a new chapter in the history of Spain. Six years later, national politics is still subject to an event that was very close to being avoided.. In the previous hours there were conversations on multiple sides to convince Carles Puigdemont to stop the DUI and call regional elections. Many of those involved in that negotiation, including Lendakari Iñigo Urkullu and relevant figures from the PSOE and the PP, went to bed the day before with the conviction that they would do so.. But the former president of the Generalitat finally backed down.

“He could not resist the pressure from ERC, from the most radical independence movement and from a good part of his own,” they remember in the PSOE. The precedent of that scare now flies over the conversations that the socialists have with Junts to support the investiture of Pedro Sánchez. They value very positively that Puigdemont is willing to negotiate. “What is clear is that they have decided to play and that in itself is a sign,” party sources say.. But they also assume that this does not entail “presupposing anything” about the outcome.. In 2017, they do not forget, “he succumbed at the last moment”.

Puigdemont's personality causes concern in the PSOE and the PNV because it is a factor that influenced then and can do so now. He knows, socialist sources confirm, that “he has won the lottery”, that he has “a great opportunity”. The question is, they emphasize, “if it is capable of sustaining that over time”. They have this same misgiving in the PNV, despite the fact that the years that have passed and the recent visit that Andoni Ortuzar made to Brussels have helped to close the rift between Puigdemont and Basque nationalism due to the breaking of the commitment with Urkullu.. Despite that meeting, the feeling they convey is that the agreement cannot be taken for granted, although they recognize that “both parties are going to try with seriousness and determination.”. They agree with the PSOE that “Puigdemont is going to play the ball”, but they add that “another thing is that he knows how to play it”.

The socialists assume that what happened in 2017 – the critical moment that the former president faced – is not comparable to the decision he must make now: facilitate the investiture, agree on the end of the criminal charge of the process and give stability to the legislature. The pressure on him is “much less”. But they are not deceived about its unpredictable nature: “Until the negotiation is closed, victory cannot be declared”.

Those who know him well also agree that it cannot be ruled out that everything will derail in the end.. He is described as “crazy”, but this is an absolute “simplification”, explain sources close to him.. He is a “man loaded with faith”, dedicated to a cause, a “prophet” to whom classical reasoning cannot be applied.. He lives cloistered and does not offer anyone clear signs of his true intentions.. In that sense, they see it as feasible that he could give another “scare”.

All those consulted assume that the process to reach an agreement “is not going to be easy”, neither for the acting president nor for the hard wing of the independence movement, which threatens to show its rejection with an electoral candidacy around the ANC ( Catalan National Assembly). But interpretations of how it can develop are disparate.. Those who consider that Puigdemont will make Sánchez “suffer” a lot before supporting him in the investiture, if he finally does so. And those who think that in Catalonia the possibility of an amnesty has spread so much, as the last step of a “reconciliation”, that not even he will be able to avoid it. Going to elections, they reason, would mean that the option of leaving many people without jail, disqualification or fines disappears.. And this also influences the former president.

“They are going to take advantage of the opportunity”

In the thesis that there is no other way out, there are very relevant leaders of the PSOE who do not hide their conviction that Junts “is going to renounce its maximum positions”, in reference to the fact that unilateralism or other commitments that do not exist must be left behind. detail. “They are going to take advantage of the opportunity”. They believe that the positions will become clearer, once the commemoration of the illegal 1-O referendum passes, and that then the negotiation will truly be addressed.. Meanwhile, secrecy is total and even Junts is so dedicated to preserving conversations that it refuses to answer questions about common topics..

In the PNV they also think that everything will be clear in the first half of October. Sánchez has already said that the moment he receives the order from the King, once Feijóo's investiture fails, he will speak “with total frankness” and will be “coherent” with “the policy of normalization and stabilization of Catalonia.”. Until that arrives, the PSOE coexists with intense noise around a possible amnesty. Internally, mainly by former leaders, but also with interference in the process by two of its partners: Sumar and ERC, whom they perceive as “two elements of dispersion”.

Regarding Yolanda Díaz, criticism from the PSOE persists because they consider that she is dedicated only to “messing up” in her public statements. But socialist sources assure that he does not maintain an open channel with Junts on the issues surrounding the investiture.. They also point out that nothing he says has any influence on the negotiation because they have already established a “level of trust” with Puigdemont's party, which protects them from what is happening around them..

Despite being an unpredictable leader, there is a lot of confidence in Moncloa that an agreement can be reached.. Catalan society itself demands it, they maintain.. The vote for the PSC in the 23-J elections, highlighted by this organization, is that of many people, including pro-independence supporters, who want the real problems to be addressed and the page turned.. A position, Government sources emphasize, in which a very important part of the Catalan employers' association is located.. Although sources from the Catalan socialists clarify that the businessmen will not speak out publicly, they do believe that it creates a “context” in favor. Will it influence Puigdemont? Well, really, in the PSC they believe that no, that the opinion of the Catalan bourgeoisie is not “relevant” for him. But even so, they see the investiture as possible.

Madrid can boast of having several centuries-old restaurants, well-known in Europe and some of the oldest in the world.. Of all of them, it is worth highlighting Botín, which, according to Guinness World Records, is the oldest restaurant in the world.. It was in 1725 when the Botín family decided to open an inn and, curiously, at that time, they were not allowed to sell food or wine, but only what the guest brought could be cooked..

Also, of course, Lhardy, who marked an era in the 19th century and is now experiencing a new stage. Since its acquisition by Pescaderías Coruñesas, it has maintained the tradition and classic atmosphere of its origins, incorporating new possibilities.. Along with Botín and Lhardy, I want to talk about some of the most representative centenary restaurants in Madrid, which have marked an era in the history and society of Madrid.

40s

In the 40s, there were two restaurants that allowed Madrid to discover two important European cuisines.. Of course, the French that, for 150 years, has personalized haute cuisine in the world, but also traditional German cuisine. I'm talking about Jockey and Horcher.

• Horcher, 1943

In 1943, Don Otto, who had already worked in Berlin with his father, moved to Madrid and established, in a unique space in front of the Retiro, a restaurant that is still alive and in full positive evolution: Horcher. Don Otto was succeeded by his son Gustav and, currently, his granddaughter, Elisabeth, runs the restaurant..

Horcher introduced the haute cuisine of game, incorporating new techniques and ways of cooking and even serving and serving customers.. Currently, with Elisabeth at the helm, there is a team of professionals who have come to replace some as legendary as Cristóbal.

• Jockey, 1945

In 1945, Jockey appeared, the work of Clodoaldo Cortés, a self-made person who, in addition to the restaurant, promoted catering for hunts and established another very successful restaurant, Club 31..

Jockey has changed its name, it is now called Saddle, but the new owners have wanted to maintain many of the traditions of the legendary restaurant. And they have achieved it thanks to the current team, with Adolfo Santos in the kitchen and Israel Ramírez in charge of the dining room and the cellar..

70's

In the 1970s, two completely different restaurants marked a turning point in Spanish gastronomy.. Zalacaín and Casa Lucio, with very different styles, became meeting places for prominent personalities from the social and political scene, both Spanish and international..

• Zalacaín, 1973

Zalacaín turns 50 years old. It was the work of Jesús Oyarbide, an extraordinary businessman, promoter and gourmet. It then passed into the hands of Luis García Cereceda and, later, for a time, it was run by his daughter Susana (to whom we owe an important change in the scenery). Currently, it has been acquired by a promoter group formed by Manuel Marrón, Íñigo Pérez “Urrechu”, Antonio Menéndez and Luis Manuel Marrón.

In its day, Zalacaín gave fame to four great professionals: Benjamín in the kitchen, Blas and Carmelo in the room and Custodio in the winery.. Today, they maintain the team that worked with them, with four great professionals of the same level as the previous ones: Jorge Losa at the head of the kitchen; Roberto Jiménez and Luis Polo, in the room (both, Excelencias Gourmet Award for Best Head of Room 2022); and Raúl Revilla in the winery (National Gastronomy Award for Best Sommelier 2023 by the Royal Academy of Gastronomy).

• Lucio House, 1974

The other restaurant whose influence and significance can be placed at the level of Zalacaín is, without a doubt, Casa Lucio. A restaurant that could be considered the first great tourist-gastronomic ambassador of our country, perhaps along with Cándido, in Segovia.

Since its opening, in 1974, until today, we have all gone to Casa Lucio by Lucio Blázquez. Its personality and charm have meant that great personalities and celebrities have passed through there over the years.. From presidents of the United States, actors, flamenco singers and musicians to politicians or athletes, and all those personalities who came to Madrid and who could not stop visiting a place as magical as Casa Lucio, and its protagonist. Even trying a dish as emblematic as “Lucio's eggs.”.

Lucio is still in the restaurant, at noon, to receive his friends, while his daughter Carmen continues, who runs it admirably well.. With more than four decades of experience, Casa Lucio has managed to remain a gastronomic and tourist reference in Madrid. Its privileged location in the La Latina neighborhood, in the heart of the capital, and a decoration that evokes Madrid's tradition and history, make it the ideal place to enjoy a unique experience.

On September 23, 2019, shortly before the violent pro-independence protests against the 1-O ruling, and while the details of the Democratic Tsunami platform were being finalized, the Civil Guard launched operation Judas. A dozen activists were arrested, accused of preparing the assault on the Parliament of Catalonia and several attacks against interests they considered Spanish.. After that operation, nine of those involved were prosecuted, who were later joined by four other collaborators.. Those arrested, members of the Committees for the Defense of the Republic (CDR), operated under the name of the Tactical Response Team (ERT), but there were some subgroups with a task assigned to each one: from the preparation of homemade explosives to surveillance. of objectives. On the occasion of the fourth anniversary of the police force, there is an intense campaign by the most radical independence movement in its defense.

Throughout Catalonia, talks, concerts, round tables or rallies are organized with the participation not only of some of the detainees, but of the platforms that support them.. This Saturday, the fourth anniversary of the dismantling of the command, there is a concert-rally in Berga and all the money raised will be allocated to “the anti-repressive struggle.”. The activists are presented to the public as pacifist heroes, victims of a State operation, which contrasts with the events narrated in the summary prepared by the National Court.. Members of these groups are accused of membership in a terrorist organization, manufacturing and possession of explosives, and conspiracy to cause havoc..

The campaign will culminate on October 1 with an event organized in the premises of the old Modelo prison in Barcelona. Taking advantage of the situation and the negotiation of the political parties on the amnesty, the radical circles go further and have redoubled their efforts to directly demand “free absolution” for the members of the command..

The list of objectives

For the CDR, the action of the Civil Guard “intended to criminalize and demobilize the independence movement to stop the post-sentence protests.”. Furthermore, they launch a victimist discourse and point out that the committees “are a scapegoat, when we are a movement of non-violent struggle and action.”. In a recently distributed message, the CDR leadership emphasizes that “Operation Judas four years ago is an invention of the Spanish State launched to criminalize one of the main actors of the grassroots independence movement at that time: the CDR.”.

But the Civil Guard recorded with night cameras the tests that the members of the command did in Sant Fost de Campsentelles to detonate the explosives that they were manufacturing with manuals and tutorials. The Prosecutor's Office maintains the opposite: it says that its intention was to resort to “violence in its maximum expression” to achieve the independence of Catalonia..

The intention of the command was twofold. On the one hand, take over the Parliament of Catalonia and lock yourself inside for at least a week. And, on the other hand, carry out attacks against sensitive targets that were already delimited and whose facilities had already been studied by the members of the command in charge of such a mission.. In the searches, detailed photographs and plans were found of the surroundings of the Naval Command of Barcelona, the Military Government, the Government Delegation in Barcelona, the Prosecutor's Office of the Superior Court of Justice, the headquarters of the headquarters of the Civil Guard Command. , as well as photos of electrical towers, agents and vehicles of the State security forces and bodies.

But their objectives also included sabotage of Repsol, Repsol Butano, Alstom, Amazon, AFTE, Endesa facilities and certain installations of electrical towers, railway stations and communication routes that were going to be destroyed with homemade bombs.. One of the documents was a freehand sketch of an Endesa transformation center that was a main objective, as well as an image obtained by satellite of the Canovelles Civil Guard barracks..

One of the viral videos distributed this week shows one of the detainees, Jordi Ros, and his wife in a speech at their home in which they denounce that their door was broken down on September 23, 2019 and they invited activists to attend the support acts in the Barcelona Model expression on October 1. Ros defines his process as a “trial of the Catalan people”, and then engages with the video made by the Civil Guard itself about how the entry into the house took place, breaking down the door.. It is an exculpatory document that ignores the entire investigation that led to the activist's arrest.

The boss of Los Diablos

But Jordi Ros is precisely considered one of the main leaders of the command that was preparing to attack civilian targets.. In addition, he is considered the head of the group known internally as Los Diablos, immersed in the broader mechanism of the CDR command.. A confidential report explains that photos of the official facilities mentioned above were found in Ros' possession..

But, in addition, “Internet searches for data relating to people linked to political parties opposed to independence and an agent of the Mossos d'Esquadra were found.”. These data would have the objective of possibly carrying out an action against said people or assets.”. Thus, among the seized documentation there was data from the then councilor in the Barcelona City Council Manuel Valls; the mayor of Sabadell, Marta Farrés; of the deputy of the PP Joan López Alegre; of the former general secretary of Ciudadanos José Manuel Villegas; of the deputy of the PSC Francisco Aranda; of the president of the PP, Pablo Casado, and the intendant of the CH Mossos, who was in the crosshairs of the CDR.

The conversations recorded with Ros and the follow-ups showed that he was one of those responsible for acquiring material to make explosives.. For two months, he bought liquid soap, 50 liters of nitric acid, a bottle of hydrochloric acid, 20 liters of sulfuric acid, 20 liters of formaldehyde, 20 kilos of potassium nitrate, one liter of formaldehyde, 150 kilos of paraffin, one kilo Potassium carbonate and steel ball bearings. Also an electrolysis device, a precision scale, a camping gas cylinder, firecrackers and gunpowder, sodium nitrate, hydrogen peroxide, bearings, screws, a kilo of potassium carbonate, safety boots and a gas mask..

In the early morning of August 24, 2019, Saint Bartholomew's Day, an explosion occurred in a farmhouse owned by Ros's brother.. They had managed to make the explosive called thermite, a mixture of aluminum filings and the oxide of another metal.. To do this, they had collected rusty pipes with the aim of using the rust chips in their experiment.. Part of the material acquired could also be used for the manufacture of TATP, an explosive made from sulfuric acid, hydrogen peroxide and acetone..

Another sister of Ros was used by the command to buy some of the materials, such as boxes of screws and some wheels.. Also found in Jordi Ros' possession was a tutorial on how to make potassium permanganate, a precursor of thermite.. And he had abundant documentation on cyclonite, a plastic explosive. He also had notes and diagrams on termina, potassium nitrate, ammonium nitrate and different mixtures of chemicals, including the formula for hexamine.. A document titled Bomb Scheme detailed the assembly of a device to remotely detonate a camping gas cylinder..

Suspicious manuals

In the possession of another activist, Alexis Codina, the document Spectacular chemistry workshop, a manual on chemical reactions, was found, which explains how to use gunpowder in the manufacture of thermite.. In his home (which was nicknamed La Batieva) he had notes on rubber-2, plastic explosives and RDX. And in the house of a third party, Germinal Tomàs, there was a document on incendiary devices and on his cell phone a tutorial was found with him as the protagonist making an electronic circuit “made to explode a package of C4 [plastic explosive] tied to the chest”.

The summary details that both the escaped Carles Puigdemont and President Quim Torra himself, or at least his most intimate entourage, had had contact with members of the command.. In a conversation recorded by the Civil Guard, Ferran Jolis explains to Xavier Buigas that “a matter of two or three weeks ago, I organized a meeting with Lisa's sister. “Lisa, so you understand me, is the code name of the one who is with the flamingos in Belgium, the boss, so you understand me”. “Yes, yes, Waterloo,” replied the interlocutor..

Jolis kept his sister's phone number under the heading Montse (her real name) L., which was the initial of Lisa, Puigdemont's code name.. “I'm working with them to shield their communications and ensure they also have communication with Gandalf, since Gandalf is the one here, you know who he is, right?” Jolis added.. Gandalf was the code name they had to refer to Torra.

Regarding the meeting with Puigdemont's sister, they took all kinds of precautions. “We carried out an operation with radio stations, with SIM, with peanuts, so you understand what I mean, and with public transport and we did, with outposts and cars behind for surveillance, a mobile meeting inside a vehicle with her. And I went through what had to go through.”. That strange meeting took place in Barcelona, although the Civil Guard could not know what the member of the command gave to Puigdemont's sister so that she could send it to the escapee.. Contact with Torra was made through the president's son with another member of the command. As Jolis later stated during interrogations, the reason for the contacts with the two leaders was to “guarantee communications.”.

A notebook with notes and detailed planning of the assault on the Parliament of Catalonia was also found in Buigas' car.. The occupation would be done “through the main door and facilitated by people from the inside”. Evidence was also found that Buigas met with senior Government officials amid extreme security measures. None of those who attended the meeting had their cell phone on them to avoid being followed. Despite everything, the Civil Guard found evidence of their intentions both on their devices and in their homes and recorded them during some of their meetings, despite the strict security measures they applied to avoid being spied on.

The Galician PP has gathered its deputies and senators this Friday at the doors of the investiture session of its leader, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, whom they claim as the “winner” of the elections of July 23, but who reaches the Tuesday without the necessary support to reach the majority that will take him to La Moncloa.

In a hotel in Santiago and with the general secretary, Paula Prado, at the head, the representatives of the PP of Galicia in the State Courts have committed to “defend the interests” of “all” Galicians during this legislature and warn that “they will not allow” that “it is given to some to take away from others”, in reference to the negotiations of the PSOE with the pro-independence forces in view of the investiture of Pedro Sánchez.

“Paying (Carles) Puigdemont the 450,000 million euros that he asks for investing Sánchez means that one community will have half a billion more at the expense of 16 others having half a billion less,” says the PP in a statement sent to the media after the breakfast of their deputies and senators in Madrid, where they promise to “fight the battle” on issues that affect Galicia such as the transfer of the AP-9, the state of its infrastructure or the distribution of European funds.

The Popular Party claims that they have 27 representatives in the Cortes Generales compared to “the 15 of the entire left” and emphasize their commitment to “defending the equality of all Spaniards and the fair treatment” that, they say, Galicia “deserves.”.

On the night of last Wednesday to Thursday, a group of more than one hundred young people threw eggs, garbage and various materials and scolded the students of the Damià Bonet residence in Valencia, facts that the management has already reported to the Police..

According to what sources from the attacked residence, attached to the University of Valencia and located on the Campus dels Tarongers but privately managed, have informed Europa Press, the events occurred during the night of last Wednesday when an “organized” group of more than 100 young people He went to the doors of the center to “rebuke” the residents and dirty the façade by throwing eggs and garbage.

The residents were inside the facilities at all times and, “fearing that the situation would become even more complicated,” the management decided to call the authorities.

Sources from the residence consider that what happened is an “act of vandalism” against both the facilities and the residents, which is why they have filed a complaint “so that the authorities can carry out the necessary investigations.”.

The mayor of Valencia, María José Catalá, also spoke about what happened on the social network “they are hazing” but rather “violence and incivility” and warns that they will not “tolerate it”.

Along these lines, the Councilor for Mobility and Local Police of Valencia, Jesús Carbonell, has also condemned what happened: “We cannot consent to hazing or actions of this type being carried out and, on the part of the Local Police, we will redouble our efforts and control to prevent them from reproducing in the future.”.

Our strongest condemnation of the acts of vandalism that occurred last Wednesday night in a residence hall in Valencia.

It is not hazing, it is violence and incivility and we will not tolerate it. https://t.co/EFyg99Gy7J

— María José Catalá (@mjosecatala) September 22, 2023

From the University of Valencia they have stressed that hazing is prohibited in the academic institution and for many years it was replaced by welcome parties. In this case, in which they remember that the management of the residence is private, they have stressed that the incidents occurred on public roads, not in the facilities of the academic institution and that the competition on public roads is municipal..

According to what Las Provincias published this Friday, that same Wednesday a group of more than 300 people participated in a macro-bottle on the tram tracks on Tarongers Avenue, which dispersed when police patrols arrived, but later, more than a hundred young people – according to the number in more than 150—went to the Damià Bonet residence, which was attacked with the throwing of eggs and garbage in a hazing.

The Congress of Deputies has already ignored the fidelity of the translations that accompany the signal that it broadcasts live from its website and is considering new formulas to do the same with the words in Catalan, Basque and Galician included in the daily newspaper. sessions. Legal sources from the Lower House assure that the team of lawyers is looking for a recipe similar to the one that was already incorporated into the streaming broadcast of the plenary session this Tuesday, to record that the institution is not responsible for the translation, in this case , written.

It is the officials of the body of stenographers and stenotypists of the Cortes Generales who are in charge of capturing what happened in plenary sessions and commissions, and this transcends the literal transcription of the speeches.. They attest to what happens, and are responsible for the official document that contains it.. The Personnel Statute indicates that they do not have direct “hierarchical superiors”, affirm legal sources. According to these sources, they maintain that their responsibility covers the words pronounced in Spanish, the language in which they work..

The problem arises, they explain, when it is contemplated that part of what is recorded in the session diary does not have their endorsement, and incorporates a warning about the words transcribed in the official languages in the autonomous communities, which they do not know, and whose veracity they cannot corroborate. The document, they assure, “has to be complete, not partial.”. That is, it cannot be considered half official, in parts.

The forecast is that the session diary that includes what was said and the events that occurred in the plenary session on Tuesday will see the light this Friday, but it is not ruled out that it could be delayed again – it is usually published 24 hours later, but there is no fixed deadline.. And the House still cannot clarify whether or not there will be a mention that Congress cannot be responsible for the veracity of transcripts in co-official languages.. In examples from the diary of Senate plenary sessions in which the three official languages in their respective autonomous communities can be used, during the debate of motions, no warning is included. In these cases, the original transcription is included first, and then a translation into Spanish.

The reform of the regulations to be able to use Catalan, Basque and Galician came to light this Thursday, with 180 votes in favor and 170 against. These days, an agreement by the Board made it possible to adopt human and material means to be able to use these languages in the first plenary session of the legislature, with the support of external translators. The procedure adopted, explained by Congress, is similar to that already followed, since 2010, in the Upper House..

After the plenary session, the audios of the interventions in the three official languages in the respective Autonomous Communities are sent to an external company.. The translators return a transcription of the words spoken in these languages, and the plan is for this to be incorporated into the session diary.. Another thing is that the stenographers are willing to give their endorsement..

The session diary is an official public document, but a disclaimer clause such as the one that has already been incorporated into the transcript of the video of the plenary session would jeopardize this status, burying its “probative effectiveness.”. “If a court claims it, it does not appear as an official document”. The stenographers not only attest to what their honorable Members say from the speakers' gallery or from their seats.. If there are rumors, shouts or insults – often imperceptible to the microphones – that the presidency does not perceive, it is these officials who attest to the words spoken..

“You would not pay the notary if he gave you a public deed that he was not responsible for,” conclude the legal sources consulted.. They cite articles of the Civil Procedure Law, such as 317, which specifies what are considered public documents “for purposes of evidence” in a judicial process..

“Those issued by public officials legally empowered to attest to the exercise of their functions (…) Those that, with reference to files and records of State bodies, public administrations or other legal entities public, are issued by officials authorized to attest to the provisions and actions of those bodies, administrations or entities”, reads this article. A disclaimer on translations, they say, would jeopardize the integrity of the entire document..

An atypical space, small in size, where you drink and eat like nowhere else in Madrid. Bocanada arrived a year ago with almost no expectations, with a smiling Amanda Leite, petite and always ready to give her all, within a place that does not exceed ten meters for the clientele.. And now, with the perspective that these twelve months give, we can say that he has managed to build a square of pleasure to make a pilgrimage to. A church of enjoyment in which to make friends and let yourself be carried away by what it offers.

“Part of the magic of Bocanada is that it has been forming,” he says, looking back. “When I started I didn't have a clear idea of what it ended up being”. It is true that if one goes back and remembers those first wines, with a food menu still in progress, with juicy and well-constructed baos, it was difficult to imagine what would come next..

However, those indicative conversations between clientele, bar owners and determined commitments to the most disruptive gastronomic universe in Madrid, ended up defining a concept that we can say looked back to our most glorious past, when it was good to eat and drink in the most unexpected places, all that was needed was the master hand of a good host. And that is what Amanda has become for those who visit Bocanada regularly or sporadically..

International wines

“For all this to work, you have to do a lot of hard work beforehand.”. It seems that everything arises spontaneously, but you have to be prepared for any type of inclemency,” reveals Leite, a sommelier trained in the Cuenllas portfolio, and who made the leap in the essential La Caníbal de Lavapiés, with an agitator Javier Vázquez who He does not lose sight of everything that is happening in Madrid at any time..

At Bocanada, of course, you drink wonderfully.. Always by the glass, although anyone who wishes, and is well equipped, can pull bottles. Leite's concern places his field of vision on foreign wines, a lot of wine from Jura, Champagne and Eastern Europe, with areas that are a true success.. The minerality, the contained acidity and the elegance of the drinks are the distinctive note. Names such as Frederic Savart, Christoph Mignon, Mirceau Savagnin, Occhipinti, Genet, Les Chazaux, Brézé or L'Anglore parade every day between the bar, the few stools that swarm and the occasional corner in which to rest the glasses.

“I drink a lot of La Cigaleña, the style of their winery, which for me is very sophisticated. I also like producers from here. This is the case of Sebio, which makes almost heroic wines in Rías Baixas with those difficulties of humidity and pests,” adds Lois Sebio, an artisan from the most intoxicating Galicia, about the wines of Xose..

Canarian wines, like those that could be tried a few months ago on the last visit to Cuernocabra, one of Gofio's projects in La Palma, are also abundant in Leite's pool, which does not stop searching and delving into that idea of discovery. territory through the wisdom of those producers.

Deep and fresh bites

Another of the facets that have taken the most care for this new season is gastronomy.. Behind is Mónica Iglesias, better known in networks as Yeast Wild. This Asturian, a lover of tin counters and popular tapas, makes her dishes shine and pairs masterfully with the wines..

“I like to see our menu as an interpretation of traditional dishes,” he says.. There is a dewlap made at a low temperature that emulates some chicharrones from Cádiz, candied with lemon and fermented pepper. Also some glutinous rice pancakes with squid in its ink, low-temperature ribs with tamarind sauce or the baos from its beginnings, where it plays with different sauces, and in which its fried chicken marinated with Cajun spices and buttermilk is an extreme delight.

“My love for fermented, sour and non-aggressive spicy foods is greatly appreciated. I don't like to say that I make fusion cuisine,” he answers.. There are also cheeses from small producers and very notable sweets, which remind us of their time at Estela Hojaldre and Café Tornasol..

Visits from the gastronomic outpost

“In the coming months we will visit two restaurants that I really like. In October, on the last Sunday, Nacho Tirado, from El Molino, in Cáceres, comes. It is a foodie pilgrimage place, which treats vegetables very well, with Nordic points in neatness and flavors,” says Leite: “And in November it is Puzzle's turn.”

The residences, visited by some of Madrid's less well-off street, have become one of the vibrant destinations in which to be seen. El Brote, Savas, Brutalista, and Chifa have passed through Bocanada's kitchen. Marzeah, Muyummuy or Ether, among others. A casual and open opportunity to the best that these restaurants can offer. Places that shake up and move the culinary board of a Madrid that doesn't stop. Open to everything, like Bocanada

When Felipe González began to rebuild the PSOE from the ashes of the dictatorship, he had Rafael Escuredo at his side. Both were colleagues in the legendary labor office on Capitán Vigueras Street, the seed of that Andalusian clan that was key to returning the old Socialist Party to relevance.. Afterwards their paths separated, although always under the umbrella of the formation. And they are still there almost half a century later, although both now disagree, as they did before, in the direction they should follow now, under the leadership of Pedro Sánchez.

Escuredo is not in the photo of the tortilla, the founding image of that southern clan. But it could have been. Student of the Faculty of Law of the University of Seville, like González and most of the rest of the names that are already part of the political history of Andalusia and Spain. In the pine forests of the Sevillian town of Isla Mayor, Manuel del Valle pressed the button on Pablo Juliá's camera and immortalized a day in the field without which the current PSOE cannot be understood.. And whose protagonists now clash to defend, some, and criticize, others, how the current general secretary leads the socialist helm.

“The position of both former leaders, I know them well, I insist, is born from their wounded self-esteem”. The phrase is from Luis Yáñez-Barnuevo, another of the protagonists of the historic photo and Secretary of State with Felipe González. He has been one of the critical voices of the positions of González and Guerra, who now boast of being in harmony after years of distance.. This doctor was part of that pact, which some call Betis, between Basque and Sevillian socialists and which the PSOE renewed after the Suresnes congress..

Yáñez-Barnuevo has been more explicit and has reacted explicitly to the conclave of the “PSOE mahogany” – in the words of Iván Redondo – that was held on Wednesday at the Ateneo de Madrid. For the Sevillian politician, González and Guerra's problem is a kind of jealousy for “not being the ones to star in this crucial moment”. For “not being consulted by Pedro [Sánchez]” and not “resigning to the passage of time”.

The time of political transition has passed although it is difficult for some to metabolize it.

— Rafael Escuredo Rodriguez (@fuentedelrey) September 7, 2023

But it was Escuredo who was the first to raise his voice when González and, above all, Guerra launched the broadside against Sánchez. On his Twitter account, now X, he sent some cryptic but eloquent messages. “The time of political transition has passed, although it is difficult for some to metabolize it,” published the first elected president of the Junta de Andalucía, who considers his old militant colleagues his “political references,” but who accumulates a history of distances With both.

The most relevant occurred precisely in the process of achieving Andalusian autonomy.. The PSOE was involved in popular demands, as was the entire political spectrum except the extreme right and Alianza Popular.. But when the time came to grant Andalusia full autonomy, there were doubts. The Constitution of '78 posed an arduous path for the regions that wanted to be equated with the so-called historical communities, those that had status before the Civil War.. And the PSOE of Felipe y Guerra was not for the work of that coffee for all that ended up arriving after the pressure of the Andalusian referendum. In this context, Escuredo even proposed a hunger strike, with Adolfo Suárez in the Government, but the Jacobin socialists, like Alfonso Guerra, did not facilitate the path for Andalusia to reach that full autonomy..

Escuredo ended up outside the Board, he resigned, precisely, 18 hours after a meeting with Guerra in the Moncloa, back in 1984.. Two years earlier, the Sevillian politician had achieved an absolute majority of 66 seats. For comparison, there are eight more than Juanma Moreno has today in the same Andalusian Parliament of 109 seats, although then the regional legislature was not in the enormous Cinco Llagas Hospital.. It was in the headquarters of the old Court of Seville, today Fundación Cajasol.

The award to Felipe González

It is the same place where Felipe González received the Ibero-American Torre del Oro award a few days ago. Where a series of veterans from the same era as Escuredo reproached him for his positions. “What you say hurts us,” said Pepe Romero, historical Ugetista and Labor Minister of the first Government of Escuredo.. The day after that event, with González supported by Juanma Moreno, the former Andalusian president disgraced his former colleague who “instead of defending the PSOE, he shamelessly seeks the continuous applause of the right.”. “Something nests inside him that leads him to seek applause, to continue feeding his ego,” Escuredo concluded..

This activism in defense of the leaders of the current PSOE, far from that PSOE of Suresnes, has turned Escuredo into a reference for the formation. It was noted at the presentation of the latest novel by the politician born in Estepa, at the House of the Province of Seville, last Tuesday. The leadership of the Andalusian PSOE gathered there, which had not attended the González award just a few days before because they were not invited by the entity that granted the award.. The divorce between the old and the new PSOE became evident in the province with the largest number of militants. “The heart of the PSOE”, as Javier Fernández de los Ríos, the new leader of the Sevillian socialists, called it, who was in the prize for the president of the Government, like Juan Espadas, because they had received an invitation.

“If there were a primary today, Pedro Sánchez would get 99%,” a Ferraz source joked in Congress this Thursday.. In the last primaries, he achieved 50.2% compared to Susana Díaz's 39.9%. The Andalusian baroness then had the support of Guerra and González. And that is where many of these veterans, like Luis Yáñez, locate the origin of the animosity that both show towards the now president. And in that exaggerated 99% would be Escuredo and he would be the only one on the list of Andalusian presidents who would be part of it. José Rodríguez de la Borbolla, who succeeded him after resigning, is another representative of that Jacobin PSOE. And the other two former presidents, Manuel Chaves and José Antonio Griñán, have problems returning to public life after their conviction in the ERE case.