“[The nationalist tribe] has no other law than hatred of others. It has never built an alternative legality, although it is enthusiastic about counter-legalities. Its attempts at institutionalization never leave it satisfied, because it disbelieves in institutions. It is only interested in counter-institutions. If not, it will work to invalidate even those it maintains under its sole control.”
(Jon Juaristi. The troubled tribe. Basque nationalism explained to my father. Espasa, 2002. Page 13)
Previous note. Today marks 25 years – September 12, 1998 – since the signing in Estella of the pact of eight Basque nationalist parties (including the PNV and Herri Batasuna), several left-wing parties (including Izquierda Unida-Ezker Batua), seven unions (ELA and LAB, the most significant) and 20 social organizations with the terrorist organization ETA. Nationalism, alarmed by the popular reaction after the kidnapping and murder in July 1997 of Miguel Ángel Blanco, and sensing that it could be overwhelmed by the spirit of Ermua, gathered all its forces to propose a negotiation with the State through a terrorist truce to as a decoy and to avoid the loss of power in Euskadi in the October elections of that same year. According to the most reliable analysts, the decision of the EBB of the PNV to promote and sign the Pact of Estella (Lizarra, in Basque) was the beginning of its decline and the beginning of what will end up being the new political hegemony of the legatees of ETA. : currently, the EH Bilbu coalition. For this reason, Arnaldo Otegi demands that today that pact that was the antecedent of the current strength in nationalism of an organization cohesive around Sortu (successor of Herri Batasuna) be updated..
The PNV: “Aged, routine and clientelistic”
The San Sebastian native Juan Pablo Fusi, emeritus professor of Contemporary History and one of the Basque intellectuals with the greatest stature and projection, has just accurately described the situation in which the PNV finds itself: “More than weakened, the PNV appears as a party without pulse, without ideas, without new people, aged, routine, which subsists above all because of the network of clientelistic power that it has held since 1980” (Diario Vasco of last August 28). The electoral figures obtained by the nationalists in the municipal and provincial elections of May 28 and in the general elections of July 23 validate the historian's diagnosis.. EH Bildu grows and PNV slowly decreases. The nemesis of the Lendakari Iñigo Urkullu and the president of the EBB, Andoni Ortuzar, is now conclusively Arnaldo Otegi, who has thrown into the ring the possibility of running for the presidency of the Basque Government in the 2024 regional elections..
Ortuzar seems aware of the situation his party is going through. In statements to El Correo a few weeks ago, the president of the national executive of the PNV acknowledged that his organization “is suffering” from “the rarefied climate” and that “errors must be corrected.”. Self-criticism in nationalism is not common. It was in 1986, the year in which the PNV had to make a gesture of humility after the split led by Carlos Garaikoetxea with Eusko Alkartasuna. These chest beats, however, are much more tactical than strategic in the PNV, because there is no organic or external intellectuality that offers consistency to the ideological body of the party.. The organization continues to have Sabinian, historicist and nostalgic references, always linked to a supremacist mythomania.. And from there, by updating only the language, it is unable to get out.
“Arzalluz would not have had any complexes”
Basque society has changed: industry is giving way to services with a substantial decrease in the GDP of the community as a whole, the demographic crisis is dramatic and also corresponds to the greater longevity of the population and the corresponding payment of pensions that Basque contributions do not even remotely cover, public employment grows due to the bureaucratization of the territories (foral councils) and the unbridled extension of the autonomous Administration. Furthermore, there is a widespread feeling of loss of expectations.. It is, consequently, a structural crisis of the PNV that is also a structural crisis of the Basque Country as a whole..
And it is in this depressed context that a crucial circumstance has occurred: the emergence of EH Bildu, with a presence in Basque society that tries to replace the PNV in its role as interlocutor in Spanish politics, extend its influence to Navarra , where the nationalists fail to establish themselves with a minimum relevance, and refer to themselves as a new Basque radical left—abertzale, of course—and also as manager of the interests pending the suspension of payments of the terrorist group ETA.
Here the ideological confusion fits into the nationalism that has been since 1980—and before—the representative of the country's middle classes, which are moderately conservative and plutocratic, with a sensitive confessional and historically pragmatic imprint.. For this reason, among a sector of the PNV militancy, objections are arising to the EBB's tactic of not differentiating itself in Spanish politics from the Otegi model or distancing itself from its closed support for Sánchez's PSOE..
José Alberto Pradera, deputy general of Vizcaya between 1987 and 1995, has been the most explicit in challenging the PNV's following of Bildu and Sánchez. “The PNV,” he also declared in El Correo on August 27, “must abstain from Feijóo's investiture, because Vox is not in the equation,” adding that “Arzalluz would not have had so many complexes.”. But the coolness of his opinions refers to the Basque social and economic model: “Whoever insults someone who brings money to the public coffers is to put him in jail,” in reference to the attacks of the radical left and Sánchez himself on the business community. (Iberdrola and BBVA maintain their headquarters in Bilbao, although Siemens-Gamesa has left the capital of Vizcaya).
The Urkullu plan, unviable
It is easy to understand that the departure of Iñigo Urkullu proposing a “constitutional convention”, to “reinterpret the Constitution” without reforming it (ignoring it) and with the aim of reaching a “new territorial pact” that is based on the provincial and historical heritage of the Basque Country to achieve a kind of confederal bilaterality, is an unviable approach – as highlighted by the professor of Constitutional Law, with a federalist belief and a leading academic in the Basque Country, Alberto López Basaguren – which, however, is functional to compete with Bildu and the Catalan independence movements in the run-up to the eventual investiture of Pedro Sánchez. Even the most friendly receptions to the Lendakari's approach – not the EBB, which is of the greatest importance – have underlined the implausibility of the initiative.. It is good for the PSOE that there are many offers in the tender for Sánchez's investiture to dilute Puigdemont's prominence, and that is the reason for the exorbitant relevance with which a text as blunt as Urkullu's, which composes an occurrence.
Meanwhile, Otegi and Bildu have it clear: Sánchez is, for the moment, the best option and the compensations are as discreet as they are clear: deactivate the legal mechanisms that keep more than 150 ETA prisoners in jail and win the dialogue of Euskadi in Congress, maintaining excellent relations with ERC and Junqueras, a harmony that the abertzales began in 2018 and that will continue. Without forgetting the eventuality of socialist support for Bildu's candidate for Ajuria Enea in 2024.
PNV-Junts, only apparent harmony
The PNV, on the contrary, has not managed to connect with JxCAT, nor empathize with Puigdemont, although a non-existent harmony is being suggested, perhaps because Urkullu, do not forget, was a witness in the trial of the process and tried, with more will than success , avoid Puigdemont's fleeting declaration of independence and, consequently, undermine the application of article 155. All the documentation of the lendakari's intermediation in October 2017 is deposited in the archives of the Sabino Arana Foundation and a copy of the file is in the Poblet monastery..
The PNV votes for Sánchez's investiture are hopelessly captive. Those of Puigdemont and his JxCAT are not, which explains to a large extent Urkullu's movement – sticking his head out – in the context of the galloping crisis of his party.. These initiatives are the blows of a castaway that, instead of preventing drowning, precipitate it.. And if, as is likely, a constitutional rupture occurs, it will not be due to the foral twists and turns of the 19th century but rather due to the fissure of Catalan secessionism.. Argumentatively, Catalan separatism is more intelligible than Basque separatism and Catalonia itself is a territorial, demographic, cultural and economic entity with which the Basque Country could never compete or even be equal.. A quarter of a century after the PNV protected ETA, its executors are managing to prevail and will achieve it, with little room for doubt, in the regional elections next year.