The president of the Autonomous City of Ceuta, Juan Jesús Vivas (PP), has ruled out the possibility of reaching an agreement in the city to form a coalition with Vox due to the differences between the two formations on fundamental issues. Sources from the Ceuta PP have reported that these differences are mainly limited to the attack that the Vox party carries out on a part of the city's Muslim community, which in different plenary sessions it has branded as “pro-Moroccan”..

The PP has estimated that this circumstance goes against the principles of the PP in regard to coexistence between the four cultures, for which reason these conversations with the Vox party led by Juan Sergio Redondo in Ceuta have been ruled out. In the last Legislature, where the PP also governed in a minority with 9 seats, it had the specific support of Vox during the first of the four years in office, although that agreement was finally broken.

Juan Vivas is ruling in a minority with 9 of the 25 seats in an autonomous Assembly made up of PSOE (6), Vox (5) and the localists Movement for Dignity and Citizenship (MDyC) (3) and Ceuta Ya! (2).

Ferraz stopped the pact with the PSOE

The possibility of an unprecedented agreement between the PP and PSOE, the two great forces in the autonomous city, had taken flight after the Ceuta PP confirmed that they were holding “talks” both with the PSOE and with local parties to reach an agreement of governance without the help of Vox. They did not describe it as a “pre-agreement”, but they did highlight the good pace of the contacts due to the “special circumstances” of Ceuta, but from Ferraz they stopped the possibility of an agreement with the popular.

• The fire in Portbou (Girona) continues uncontrolled and forces the eviction of 140 people

The fires are already here, and the volunteer firefighters of Catalonia are very unhappy with what they charge to fight the flames. “They pay us 4,000 euros a year and, when we have to make the income statement, we have to pay almost that same 4,000 euros in taxes,” says Manel Llano, head of the Sant Joan de Vilamajor (Barcelona) volunteer fire station and member of the Council of Volunteer Firefighters of Catalonia. The situation has reached a critical point.

The volunteer firefighters of Catalonia are a body made up of people with other professions who dedicate their free time to this work in a semi-altruistic way (10 euros per hour in 2022).. They carry out very similar tasks as official firefighters, have similar training in some cases and have the same material and equipment.. To access the body, requirements and tests must be met. However, the physical and knowledge exams are less demanding than the oppositions, because you can be a volunteer firefighter until you reach retirement age (65 years)..

The brigade members of the Girona region have already announced that they will not be available for any type of service until their claims are taken into account.. Other parks such as Benifallet (Tarragona) have joined this action. This strike, which comes in the midst of a wave of fires in Catalonia, will affect 1,300 volunteer firefighters. The casualties will be covered by civil servant firefighters and brigade members from other volunteer parks in the territory.

Volunteer firefighters do not have an employment contract and their services to stop forest fires are paid poorly and through a payment that is made without any tax withholding. “We have a job and a payroll where the income tax that corresponds to us is withheld, however, when we add the payment for volunteering to our income statement, we get paid and, if we speak only in economic terms, we hardly get account the long days in front of the flames”, says Manel Llano.

The Generalitat cannot offer this group an employment contract, since the regulations prohibit people from being hired without an opposition to carry out the same work that an official does. Faced with this impossibility, the Council of Volunteer Firefighters of Catalonia asks the Department of the Interior to “at least exempt us from paying the regional section in the income statement, which is the one in the hands of the Generalitat,” Llano argues..

In Catalonia, personal income tax is 18.8% from an annual income of 33,000 euros, which means paying around 5,000 euros. Of this figure, approximately half corresponds to the autonomous section, which is the part that the volunteer firefighters claim not to pay.

Disagreements within the fire department

In Catalonia, there are currently 1,800 volunteer firefighters spread over 74 parks, whose main mission is to deal with the summer fire season. However, the group is divided. Although the official representation falls on the Council of Volunteer Firefighters, two groups have appeared that are much more belligerent with the labor rights of volunteers.. For the Association of Volunteer Firefighters of Catalonia (ASBAVOCA) and the Federation of Volunteer Firefighters of Catalonia (FBVCat), the solution is to get the Generalitat to sign an employment contract, which would allow them to access the Social Security regime and the rest of privileges of officials.

The Catalan Administration defends that “the mixed model has worked excellently for decades” and accuses these two associations of wanting to blow it up. “Ending volunteerism is synonymous with weakening our fire department,” says a spokesman for the Department of the Interior. Many of the people who currently work as volunteer firefighters would not pass the physical tests and, therefore, would not be able to continue exercising with the functions they currently carry out..

In the last week, FVBCat has issued a letter requesting a vote among all volunteer firefighters to learn about their concerns first hand and without intermediaries. In this same letter, the federation assures that its interests are not always represented by the Council of Volunteer Firefighters and asks that they be allowed to participate in its meetings..

Insurance with less coverage against fire

Where it does seem that the three groups that represent the volunteer firefighters agree is in requesting greater coverage in the medical insurance paid by the Generalitat.

According to the Administration, this policy is the highest paid by the Generalitat. In the event of having to request sick leave from work due to an accident caused during their service, the volunteer has a daily compensation of 60 euros per day, 1,800 per month, but this compensation is only maintained during the first year of leave. In the event that the leave lasts longer, there is no coverage. “We are working to extend the compensation of volunteers,” they point out from Interior.

The Council of Volunteer Firefighters maintains that the Catalan Administration should face the payment of casualties of more than one annuity and that the differences between them and civil servant firefighters are evident. “If you have an accident, you are only covered for the first visit to the Asepeyo mutual, which covers trauma, but, in case you need a visit with a specialist, volunteer firefighters are forced to wait to be treated by Social Security like any other another citizen, regardless of whether it occurred during an act of service”, says Manel Llano.

The proposal of the Generalitat

In recent months of talks, including strike threats, the Department of the Interior has made clear its intention to improve the current model. Within these improvements to consolidate the mixed model, the Generalitat proposes to improve economic benefits, make training more efficient and ensure a minimum of two vehicles per volunteer fire station, among other things.

According to the Department of the Interior, they speak of a single fire department, “we do not make distinctions between officials and volunteers, both have the same importance”. However, in its idea of improving the mixed model, the Generalitat defends keeping volunteers without a work contract and without registration with Social Security.

From the Council of Volunteer Firefighters they disagree on the treatment they receive from the Administration and on the presumed equality that the Generalitat defends. “It is not true that we have the same authority as the official firefighters, since, according to the law, we cannot cut roads or stop a car,” says Llano..

Born a little over five years ago, the founding myth of À Punt —the new Valencian public broadcaster— started from Canal Nou with the desire to make a clean sweep of its legacy. The old entity had been closed by the Alberto Fabra Administration after a journey that had ended with the stamp of those who speculate on a residential building in a neighborhood about to be gentrified: degrading it so that, when the residents are kicked out, it seems inevitable.

This origin partly explains À Punt's approach: its mission was not to be Canal Nou. But… what did he want to be? Five years later there seems to be no response beyond the allegation to the public media. It was born, explains the television analyst Borja Terán, in a time that perhaps did not correspond to him, more typical of the old Canal Nou era than of his own: “One of the problems is that he did it imitating a regional television of the 90s, when we were no longer there. The structure of the programming was very reminiscent of those times: the first children's program referred to Babalà, when children no longer watch television like that. It should have been born with a media spirit, understanding that today there are two ways to make television: one way for the live company and another for the production of content that identifies us”.

If he came to repeal the bad practices of Canal Nou, his great must is that he has not been able to generate his own habits. “It has not managed to penetrate civil society nor has it managed to make people believe that it was a necessary public service”, says analyst Mariola Cubells. “His most serious shortcoming is not having a clear objective about where he wants to go. He has tried to be excessively equidistant, excessively neutral.”. There is a certain consensus that the general director, Alfred Costa, has tried to carry out a professional management that, on many occasions, has run into the wall of the excessive zeal of the governing council. The independence of the information services is also recognized, with better numbers than the programs.

Its audience, in 2022, placed it as the thirteenth autonomous community in the country in percentage share. Just 3.1%, close to 0.2% below 2021. A substantial difference compared to TV3 (14.1), TVG (10.5) or Aragón TV (10.5). During 2023, it obtains a few tenths of a rebound linked especially to news coverage and festive broadcasts. Perhaps for this reason, one of its best months was last March, when the coincidence of Las Fallas and La Magdalena raised the audience to 4.4%.. The coverage of the regional and municipal elections last May also allowed it to reach 6.6% on that day.

On the other hand, hardly any format has been consolidated over time and recognizable figures such as Carolina Ferre and Eugeni Alemany were inexplicably ousted from the centrality of the chain. Nor was Bona Vesprada consolidated, presented by Máximo Huerta, now back with the interview format La vida al Màxim. Paradoxically, compared to his original desire, one of the most sustained contents has been L'Alqueria Blanca, the series that survived Canal Nou. One of the latest additions is that of Ximo Rovira, a regular face in the past at the head of Tómbola, his signing (he will present the evening magazine) aims to reconnect with an audience that fell by the wayside.

Regarding the positioning of its contents, Borja Terán considers that “television is a meeting and one must not be prejudiced with the presenters who were in the collective imagination (…). À Punt has to be on the street, but beyond the talkative live shows, beyond the condescending costumbrismo. Television is launching to show society with its nuances and not with its clichés. Beyond a naive vision, because society is full of chiaroscuro”. His own name, adds Terán, has not helped him either: “He never finished understanding himself. It is not associated with a television, it is a play on words that does not help to investigate the channel.

It must be a television “more of a traveling companion for Valencians”, says Terán. “I think he has very good communicators, but he has to make less decisions based on prejudice and more by looking at television talent”.

The arrival of the PP and Vox to the Government of the Generalitat have fueled the possibility of a sudden change in its programming. “If in favorable times for public television, such as those that supposedly have existed, it has not been possible to establish itself, with Vox at the head of Valencian culture, I fear the worst,” says Cubells.. “They do not respect our language or our hallmarks and we can return to the worst of the worst times of Canal Nou. With an aggravating circumstance: now Valencian society has turned its back on it, it does not even take it into account to criticize it”.

The left led by Sumar has not finished digesting the “relief” and even the euphoria after the 23-J elections, and is already fully involved in the negotiations to form the Congress Table and revalidate the coalition government, almost without stop for air. Just what they have not been able to do in recent months. Different actors in this space already warn that it is time to sit down and chart the course for the new political course, laden with uncertainties.. And, after Yolanda Díaz's platform announced that it will set up its party structure after the summer, without advancing dates, some of the organizations that make up the confluence have made a move before the summer break, which will last until shortly before the constitution of the Cortes (August 17). The latest CIS documents that not even one in three Spaniards trusted Pedro Sánchez's options. Overcome the surprise, it's time to keep moving forward. Pablo Iglesias himself came out to question his results on the same election night, when he promised that the five purple deputies would claim their “autonomy”. Hours later, Ione Belarra did the same and different purple leaders ignored the call for “amnesty”.

The climate, however, was particular because, as long as there are options to reissue the coalition government, no one can justify a total offensive against the leader of Sumar. The purples reached the crossroads, and at this point new differences began to surface on how to act. On Sunday, Juan Carlos Monedero, the leading intellectual and co-founder of the party, published an article in which he advocated holding a “citizen conference” or even a congress —Asamblea Ciudadana— to reconnect with the bases.. He called for self-criticism, and warned that Podemos “has not debated its course for years and is on the defensive”.

None of the first purple swords publicly supported the Monedero en Público article, not even on social networks, the forum where they express themselves most clearly today. A day later, Iglesias and Belarra did share a text from the former spokesman for United We Can, Pablo Echenique, in which he warned that the unity of the left, understood as a “fetish”, leads to a scenario in which his own lose their autonomy and, paradoxically, this “serves” to “kill Podemos”. Like Echenique, the professor of Political Science at the Complutense University criticized that Díaz had made his party go under table football, but Monedero also asked to clarify the diagnosis to the inmate and with his new allies, and the latter avoided this scenario. In his formation, there was no official reading, no answer on the other side of the phone line; They have withdrawn to winter quarters, and they have done so without summoning the highest management body —State Citizen Council—. Also without giving certainties to a militancy from which Belarra demanded a blank check to decide on the pact with Díaz. He got it, but, two weeks after the elections, no one gives any clues about what the next steps will be.

At least, not beyond warning that there will be no white flag, that they will fight for every decision they consider fundamental.. They lowered the piston in the campaign, but today they reaffirm that they will continue to act in their own way, in substance and form. In part, in this they coincide with Alberto Garzón, federal coordinator of the IU, who the previous week demanded before his own “strengthening a greater differentiation with respect to the PSOE”, “reinforcing unique attributes” to neutralize calls for useful voting such as those promoted by Pedro Sánchez for these general elections. Garzón, yes, does not place his party under the fire of the second vice president, nor do the rest of the forces, except for Belarra's party. And they have also had to assume important resignations —although not explicit vetoes of their first swords—.

Izquierda Unida has five deputies within the platform —the same as Podemos—, and the acting head of Consumption, who is not among them, was trying to set the course in the face of the dilemma that the bloc faces today, after a 28-M that crystallized in the “collapse” of United We Can, and some generals who caught them in the middle of the “perfect storm”. The seconds deny the greatest.

The parties, according to Monedero, “have to stop, question themselves, know where they are and decide which way to go.” The left must be coordinated to be useful in the Government. That what they have to say to each other, they say it looking into each other's eyes. And that the citizens draw their conclusions”, abounds in the text. “I am convinced that, after the summer, the leadership of Podemos is going to convene a citizen conference,” he assures El Confidencial.

Different sources from the executive acknowledge that they have contemplated this option, but do not clarify if they have already made decisions, or when they intend to materialize them.. Supposedly, the co-founder of Podemos is not asking for a party congress, but a forum in which the organization “debates” directly with its bases, but encourages the leadership to opt for a Citizen Assembly: “You should not be afraid because your task is celebrated and respected by the bulk of the militancy”, abounds.

He asks to reconsider everything: from the analysis of the result of 28-M, which the purples have never made public despite having been left out of parliaments such as Madrid or Valencia — “Podemos has his self-criticism pending after the debacle in those elections” — until the course adopted after the resignation of Pablo Iglesias, where “everything accelerated a lot”. Nor does he skimp on criticizing Díaz and the rest of the Sumar actors, and excuses Belarra's harshness after the results — “perhaps he could have expressed himself with more smiles, but there is accumulated pain”—. But he especially appeals to his own. And the “broad front” will not solidify.

The coalition parties maintain open wounds that they have not wanted to air to date —except for Podemos—, there is concern about the path to follow in the months in which they aspire to revalidate the coalition government and, in the case of the purple ones, there is anger and uncertainty due to the unknowns pending. Díaz herself brandished before them the debacle that United We Can experience in the regional and municipal elections to counter their criticism, but so far the purples have only demanded “self-criticism” from the space leader. Most of Sumar's allies claim to ignore the darts of Iglesias or Belarra and point out that the party would have been wiped off the map if it had not come under the umbrella of Sumar.

In addition to questioning the actions of the media —Belarra herself did it to ask for money for Iglesias television again—, the purples have spent these weeks remembering the veto of Irene Montero, and reproaching Díaz for not marking a greater distance with the PSOE. It also made him ugly for having “renounced” feminism and “made invisible” Podemos and for not waging the cultural battle against the right.

Cadena Ser cancels Ágora, one of the few radio and TV programs where plural voices could be heard. After years of media siege, the strategy of power to silence @PODEMOS is evident. It's time to support @CanalRed_TV with more strength than ever.

— Ione Belarra (@ionebelarra) July 28, 2023

In Garzón's report before the Federal Coordinator of his party, the leader himself praised Díaz for adopting “a more belligerent tone against Feijóo and Abascal”, which, in his opinion, helped Sumar grow in the final stretch of the campaign. When Díaz began to hit Alberto Núñez Feijóo for his photograph with the drug trafficker Marcial Dorado, purple territorial and state leaders celebrated this turn, which IU had already claimed before starting the campaign. On this point, again, they agreed. They share several postulates, but they put the accent exactly on those that distinguish them from the rest of the forces within Sumar.

The leader of the space, for her part, has not given many clues as to how she will clear up the many unknowns about the future of what until now she considered “an instrumental party”. They still do not have a constituted leadership, there are no official deliberative bodies, which will not be ready to address decisions such as the composition of the leadership and the distribution of tasks in the new parliamentary group.

Shortly after the constitution of this group, and while they try to guarantee the investiture of Sánchez —Iglesias warns that they will demand primaries if there is an electoral repetition—, the left to the left of the PSOE has an enormous amount of pending tasks. Among them, to clarify if Sumar will continue to allow double militancy, something that its provisional statutes include, and that clashes with those of Podemos.

In this, again, there are differences: Monedero also claims these primaries, but also advocates the constitution of Sumar's decision-making bodies as soon as possible. There has been no amnesty and the purples are not considered dead, but there has been no self-criticism either. Neither in Sumar nor in Podemos, because Garzón did acknowledge the “collapse” of his political space on 28-M, although he stressed that they had endured the pull in places where they did not run alongside Podemos. The parties under this umbrella have gained time, but they still have many battles ahead. Together and separately, facing their respective organizations.

The National Police has arrested a man in Ibiza as the alleged perpetrator of a crime of illegal detention and attempted sexual assault against a worker at a hotel establishment. As reported by the Police this Saturday, on July 29, the agents arrested a 44-year-old individual of Hungarian origin as the alleged perpetrator of a crime of illegal detention and attempted sexual assault..

The intervention was motivated by a call to the 091 Room, in which it was explained that in a hotel establishment in a neighborhood of Ibiza, a client had asked one of the workers to be in the room and had locked her up asking for sex..

Apparently, the man came to offer money to the establishment worker in exchange for having sex. The woman, however, managed to leave the room after an oversight of the individual. Once the police from the Citizen Security Brigade arrived at the scene, the witnesses from the hotel establishment corroborated the facts.

The traffic accident, which is being investigated by the Civil Guard, occurred at kilometer 3 of the M-117. It was a frontal collision between two cars.

In one, the driver, a 43-year-old man, has gone into cardiorespiratory arrest.. Firefighters from the Community of Madrid and the Civil Guard have started the resuscitation techniques, continued for half an hour by the troops of Summa 112, who have finally certified the death. In the other wrecked car, a 32-year-old man has been transferred as potentially serious to La Paz Hospital.

• Work calendar 2024 in Catalonia: holidays and bridges of the year
• Work calendar of the Canary Islands 2024: holidays and bridges of the year

In the Balearic Islands you can experience culture and tradition in a unique way in their festivities. Each celebration that takes place is a clear example of the heritage found in the region. Among them stands out the Day of the Balearic Islands where Mallorca, Menorca, Ibiza or Formentera show the art, culture and gastronomy that characterizes them so much. Like this, there are several dates throughout the year that are part of the holidays.

In total, the 2024 work calendar in the Balearic Islands will have 12 holidays considered nationally, in addition to those of an autonomous nature and the places chosen by the town hall of each municipality. These dates have been approved by the Tripartite Social Table of the Balearic Islands made up of the Government, employers and unions.

According to what can be consulted on the website of the Government of the Balearic Islands, the holidays that workers will be able to enjoy in 2024 will be, for the most part, similar to those of last year with only a couple of exceptions..

• Meteor showers: definitive guide to see the Perseids and Tears of San Lorenzo this August
• The maximum of the Delta Aquarids 2023 arrives: at what time and from where to best see the meteor shower in Spain

Summer is a time that for many is very important. Many prefer it because it is the time to rest during their vacations. Others because they enjoy the high ambient temperatures. However, for a certain sector of the population, it is time to witness the night of the Perseids, who already live it as a tradition. It is a very particular day, since for a period of time we can witness an authentic visual spectacle without equal.

The Perseids occur due to a series of debris, dust and gases that are released into space by the Swift-Tuttle comet, which was discovered during the 1960s.. Every August, the Earth crosses the orbit of said space body.. This is completed every 133 years and is full of small particles that are thrown by the comet long ago, forming its tail, which enters the atmosphere at high speeds.. This triggers the famous phenomenon of shooting stars..

Coincidentally, one of the places to best see the Perseids is in Spain. Specifically, in the Teide National Park, in the Canary Islands, since it is a place with little light pollution and a clear sky. It is expected that shooting stars will be glimpsed at this site every fifteen minutes on the nights of August 12 and 13, being the best time to contemplate them..

When and how to see the Perseids

The Perseid season commonly occurs during the summer season and lasts for a little over a month, approximately between July 16 and August 24.. It will be the next day 12 when we find more of this activity in the sky, coinciding with the waning moon. Popularly known as Tears of Saint Lawrence, they can be seen throughout the northern hemisphere at this time..

To contemplate them, no specific type of optical device will be necessary, such as telescopes.. However, it is advisable to go to a dark location without too many visual obstacles that interfere with the sky to be able to witness them without difficulties..

In addition to the aforementioned place, other recommendations to view them would be the Aragón Planetarium, in Huesca, or the Tiedra Astronomical Center, in Valladolid.

The influence of Ibero-American cuisine in Madrid can be seen in a wide and diverse gastronomic offer. Mexican, Peruvian, Argentinean, Ecuadorian, Colombian and many other countries restaurants have established themselves in the capital to bring the most authentic and traditional flavors of each region.. A fusion of different ingredients, techniques and customs that enriches and diversifies the city's offer.

The mark that Ibero-American gastronomy has left in Madrid in recent years is still a sample of cultural exchange and the connection that exists between both regions..

Latin American dishes in Madrid

Dishes such as Peruvian ceviches, Mexican tacos, Venezuelan arepas, empanadas and Argentine roasts, not forgetting the most traditional Spanish dishes, such as paella or gazpacho, have become favorites among locals and tourists who seek to taste the diversity and culinary richness of Ibero-America. And not only in international or specialized restaurants, but in all kinds of establishments.

Gazpacho

One of the most popular dishes in Spain is gazpacho, a very nutritious and refreshing option for the hottest times. The original recipe (which did not incorporate some current ingredients such as tomato) has evolved over time, giving rise to different variants in different regions of Spain.. Currently, the most popular internationally is the Andalusian gazpacho.

It is a cold soup made with tomato, pepper, bread, garlic, olive oil and vinegar, although it can also include other ingredients, either in the soup itself or as a garnish, such as cucumber or onion.. In Madrid, there are many restaurants where you can try a good gazpacho. For me, one of the best is that of Zalacaín.

The tacos

From pre-Columbian times to the present, Mexico has developed regional cuisines with very different recipes.. But, without a doubt, tacos are among the best-known dishes worldwide.. They are very versatile and tasty preparations consisting of thin and round flour tortillas, generally corn, that wrap different fillings based on meat, sausages or vegetables with various sauces..

Many restaurants in Madrid (and not necessarily Mexican) offer tacos on their menu. One of my favorites is Abya and her Andalusian-style marinated sole taco, piquín chile cream and pickled avocado. They also have very good tacos in Quinto Elemento, like the one with eggplant in tempura or the one with hake with a touch of lemon grass..

The guacamole

Guacamole is based on one of the most important products that the Spanish brought from America: the avocado.. It is made with ripe avocados, serrano peppers and lime juice, and you can also add tomato, onion and cilantro..

In Madrid, probably the most recommendable is that of Roberto Ruiz, in Barracuda MX, and now also in his new space in El Corte Inglés de Serrano, Can Chan Chán. You can also try a good guacamole at the Jerónimo restaurant at The Madrid Edition hotel. Or in some establishments that are not really dedicated to Mexican cuisine, such as Bibo, by chef Dani García.

The ceviche

Although it is widely consumed in several Latin American countries, ceviche (or cebiche) is an iconic dish of Peruvian cuisine, where it was declared a Cultural Heritage of the Nation.. Especially refreshing during the summer, it is made with fish or shellfish marinated in lemon or lime, onion and some other ingredients such as chili, cilantro and celery..

In the capital, we can have it at the Llama Inn restaurant or in Tampu, but also in non-Peruvian restaurants, such as Amazónico. It is a healthy dish, very pleasant to the palate and that allows many variations.

The arepas

The arepa is a food of pre-Columbian origin, typical of Venezuela and Colombia.. It consists of a corn dough in a circular shape, fried or roasted, which can be eaten as an accompaniment to meals or with a wide variety of fillings of shredded meat, grated cheese, chicken, eggs, or even sweets..

There are several Venezuelan restaurants in Madrid where you can taste good arepas, like La Cuchara, in the Salamanca neighborhood, Terezza or Apartaco, but also in other restaurants like Coque.

the quinoa

Quinoa is native to the Andean highlands, but its cultivation has spread throughout the world. It is a very nutritious and versatile grain that can be used in a wide variety of preparations..

Although it is part of some typical dishes of the Ibero-American regions, perhaps its most common use in Madrid is in the form of salads, with various ingredients such as avocado, tomato, cucumber, corn, meat and fish, and seasoned with some type of vinaigrette. Ultramarinos Quintín, for example, is a good place to enjoy this great food.

“We have stopped to the right,” said emphatically the president of a nationalist party that carries obedience to God and the laws of the Middle Ages engraved in all its symbols. The polygraph of history would blow up when hearing it, but that is what the president of the PNV, Andoni Ortuzar, said, to emphasize that his party, the Basque deputies of this party, did not intend to support the Popular Party to form a government, although have won the elections. “We have stopped on the right,” said the good man. But, let's see, since when has the PNV been a leftist party?

Enough of the ideological paste of the most radical left that, trampling on its first ideal, internationalism, has converted in Spain to pro-independence nationalism. They are united by the desire to destroy the Constitution, that is understood. But, from there to the maximum delusion of considering that the defense of medieval privileges is a sign of identity of the left, there is a stretch impossible to fill with justifications. Let's see what's on the left in the curriculum of those nationalisms… Let's do a brief review. Basque and Catalan nationalisms are inventions of the bourgeoisie of both regions, which arose after the loss of the last colonies, at the end of the 19th century.. Spain, as a reference and as a State, ceases to interest them as soon as the businesses of those wealthy classes begin to be affected by the decline that entails the complete collapse of the Empire born after the discovery of America.

In other words, everything was going well while Spanishness served them to trade, whether it was fabrics or black slaves, and there is the figure engraved in stone of a black slave on the Gothic façade of the Palau de la Generalitat. It is when the Spanish business collapses that the discomforts with the State begin and the application, through nationalism, of a strategy that, since the Carlist wars, has been highly profitable for those territories: exchanging disaffection with Spain for privileges and state investments. With these wickerwork, the sustained lie of the existence of a Basque nation and a Catalan nation is built, something that has never happened in history; that is why in the coat of arms of Spain are Navarra and Aragon, as well as Castilla, León and Granada.

Sabio Arana, for example, who is considered the father of Basque nationalism, was educated in France, in Bayonne, which is where his family, defenders of Carlism, had to flee.. The ideology that he conceived for the Basque Country was in tune with some of the movements of the time, at the end of the 19th century; a traditionalist, xenophobic and reactionary nationalism. In the medieval fueros he found the Rosetta stone of the Basque people and in religious fundamentalism, the leadership model. How many atrocities have not been committed in this world in the name of God? Well, this one about Sabino Arana and Basque nationalism is one more. Just one sentence: “Ethnographically, there is a difference between being Spanish and being Basque, the Basque race is substantially different from the Spanish race. A large number of Spaniards seem to be irrefutable testimony to Darwin's theory, since more than men they resemble apes, little less beasts than the gorilla: do not seek in their faces the expression of human intelligence or any virtue; his gaze only reveals idiocy and brutality”.

The only similarities in such a discourse can be found in Franco's invocations of the Spanish race, who even wrote the script for a film with that title, and in those of Catalan nationalism, also defenders of the excellence of the “genetic distribution of the Catalan population, determined among other characteristics by intelligence”, as said by Heribert Barrera, one of the exiles of Esquerra Republicana who returned with democracy and was the first president of the Catalan Parliament. Part of the answer was given before, because that strategy of exchanging hatred of Spain for privileges continues to work and, since the electoral system benefits them as pivotal parties, they just have to continue exploiting it. What must be recognized, in any case, is the ability to adapt, the constant cross-dressing, to keep turning the discourse in the direction that the electoral winds blow.

Thus, the Basque Nationalist Party preserves intact the mottos of its origins, those of its founding father, Sabino Arana, but it has changed its discourse to the left, to enter, first, the spaces of the Socialist Party of Euskadi, and, now, to prevent Bildu from continuing to grow and definitively take away their hegemony in the Basque Country.

The motto remains the same, 'God and the old law' (Jaungoikoa eta lege zaharra, in Basque), and the ikurriña waves with its two superimposed crosses, the white cross of Jesus Christ and the green cross of Saint Andrew, but the speech is now enrolled in Social Christianity. The journalist Pedro Ontoso, in an article in El Correo, further details the ideological affiliation of the PNV with the words of Ortuzar himself: “A movement that, for the most part, is located in the spectrum of the center-left, in progressive social Christianity”. But without renouncing what Sabino Arana wrote as signs of identity: “The motto ('God and the old law'), the coat of arms and the flag of Bizkaia mean the same thing, namely: the eternal rights of God and the national rights of Bizkaia”. Whoever wants to, find explanations and be encouraged to say what the ideology of the PNV really is, because there should be no similar evolution in the world. But this is how the story is told, the pathetic background of the nationalisms that defend privileges, the left, social democracy, inequality, progressivism and fueros. And two hard-boiled eggs, if necessary, as that one would say.