Judge Joaquín Gadea has agreed to the precautionary suspension of activities of the Association against Corruption and in Defense of Public Action (ACODAP), of which former judge Fernando Presencia is president, whom he summons to testify for new crimes of money laundering and lifting of assets.

In his resolution, the reinforcing magistrate of the National Court, in line with the Prosecutor's report, considers “appropriate, pertinent and proportionate the measure of precautionary suspension of the activities of ACODAP, through whose website Presencia disseminates serious accusations against members of the Government, prosecutors and magistrates.

He bases it on “sufficient and rational” evidence of being in the presence of an illegal association, “constituted for the sole purpose of committing a crime, and used as a mere instrument for the profit of the members of the criminal organization led by Mr.. Presencia, who, as has been verified in this procedure, has made the criminal machinery of ACODAP his only modus vivendi “.

For Gadea, the suspension of the entity's activities is “essential” in order to protect the high institutions that, daily, he says, are discredited with the mendacious complaints disseminated from ACODAP and its related social networks, and especially, in order to to avoid the re-victimization of the injured parties, as well as the perpetuation of the crime of illicit association investigated here.

The magistrate also accepts the request of the Public Prosecutor's Office to attribute new crimes to Presence of money laundering and seizure of assets, for which reason he agrees to take a statement from him as an investigated.

This is the second time that the judge has expanded the crimes for which Presencia is being investigated, since last December he added those of criminal organization, illicit association and aggravated fraud, to those of insults and slander against high State institutions for those who initially opened this case.

The first time he was called to testify, Gadea agreed to submit the former judge to a forensic examination to determine if he suffered from any type of psychological or psychiatric pathology, to which he declined -since it was not mandatory- and later, in his appearance, he accepted your right not to declare.

Gadea agreed a few months ago, among many other measures, the preventive seizure of the 188,722 euros collected by the association chaired by the person investigated, considering that it is “an instrument at the service of a group of people to obtain resources with which to make a profit, pretending that with it they were fighting corruption”. The judge maintains that these funds supposedly collected for the fight against corruption were actually used for private purposes.

Presencia has two sentences of disqualification for judicial prevarication and another to two years and 10 months in prison for false accusation and slander against the senior prosecutor of Talavera de la Reina (Toledo), Ángel Demetrio de la Cruz Andrade.

The Justice officials who were locked up since Wednesday afternoon in the assembly hall of the Plaza de Castilla courts in Madrid, to demand salary improvements, have been evicted this Friday, without incident and after ordering it by the dean judge of the capital.

As reported to EFE by the strike committee, after noon a National Police agent told the locked up strikers, around fifty, and the people who had come to support them that they had to leave the assembly hall because it had been ordered by the dean judge, María Jesús del Barco.

Del Barco signed a government agreement this Friday ordering the immediate eviction of the assembly hall because two days have passed since a confinement began for which they did not have permission, since what the unions requested was to hold an assembly of 13 :30 to 3:00 p.m., to report on the conflict between Justice officials.

A National Police agent communicated this decision to the imprisoned strikers and several dozen colleagues who supported them, and shortly after, around one in the afternoon, all of them left the courthouse without incident, legal sources confirmed to EFE.. “They have thrown us out and they have not yet negotiated,” they chanted as they left the doors of the courts with banners asking that their claims be addressed.. Dozens of colleagues have expressed their support for the exit.

Comisiones Obreras has reported on the eviction order, explaining that at mid-morning access to the “permanent assembly of workers” that has been held since Wednesday has been prohibited. “Both the lady dean who has given these instructions and the Minister of Justice who refuses to negotiate, are two of the beneficiaries of the classism that has given rise to this conflict, by having increased their salaries, as members of the judicial career , at 450 euros per month, while the rest of the judicial civil service bodies are discriminated against, except for the LAJ and prosecutors,” explains Comisiones in a statement.

The union has specified that the confinement of officials continues in judicial offices in Murcia, Cartagena and Navarra, after those in Barcelona were evicted.

These confinements began spontaneously this Wednesday afternoon at the end of the informative assemblies held by the CSIF, STAJ, CCOO and UGT in judicial offices throughout the country..

45,000 court and tribunal officials have been called on an indefinite strike for a month to demand wage and labor improvements, although their mobilizations began earlier, on April 17.

They ask for between 350 and 430 euros gross per month more in their payrolls for what they consider the recognition of their functions, as well as the negotiation of any new law that affects their working conditions.

A man has starred in a base jump in Malaga that has not taken long to go viral. It has been launched from one of the Martiricos towers, the skyscrapers that are being built near La Rosaleda, and has deployed a parachute to land on the Guadalmedina river. In a video, the jumper can be seen on the top floor of the building, whose maximum height reaches 106 meters in height and, before the astonished gaze of passers-by, has plunged into the void. Halfway through the parachute has fully deployed.

It happened around 10:00 a.m. this Thursday, June 22. The protagonist of this story has sneaked into the building under construction and has gone up to the terrace. As recounted by La Opinión de Málaga, it seems that it was not the first time that the anonymous skydiver, apparently a firefighter by profession and a great fan of this extreme sport, tried. On two other occasions he canceled the jump because of the strong wind.

What a wonderful #Malaga, the joke of Paco's Cortijo pic.twitter.com/VbhvZKy0em

— Andalusian Trifachito (@AndaluciaSinVOX) June 22, 2023

The company promoting the construction, AQ Acentor, has confirmed the incident and has issued a statement denouncing the facts: “We denounce all illegal activity and, in this case, the trespassing of a construction area such as the AQ Urban Sky towers. The result of this action could have had fatal consequences.”. Everything points to the fact that the paratrooper managed to evade the security of the construction and posed as one of the hundreds of workers who pass through that work every day.

The penthouses have been put up for sale

According to the company, the incident “will be carefully analyzed with the companies responsible for access and security, to find out how it happened and prevent it from being replicated in the future, demanding the responsibilities it deems appropriate. Likewise, AQ Acentor reserves the rights to take legal action against the executors and collaborators of this action”.

The facts coincide with the date on which the promoter has put up for sale the twelve penthouses in the south tower, from which the skydiver has jumped, with prices ranging from 600,000 euros to more than 1.5 million euros. These are exclusive homes with panoramic views of the city located between floors 27 and 29 of the south tower.

The Central Electoral Board has defended in a recent resolution “freedom of expression” of the Prime Minister, Pedro Sánchez, to request the vote before the electoral campaign officially starts. The JEC rejects an appeal presented by the PP and does not find it reproachable for requesting from Dos Hermanas just a few days ago that “everyone” voted for the socialist ballot. He assures that he does not observe a violation of the electoral law and specifies that the petition is protected by article 20 of the Constitution.

The popular ones went to the JEC after the president launched this phrase during a public act in the municipal booth of the Seville town where he went to intervene in front of militants of the socialist party. It was the starting signal for the race on July 23 and he was chosen for his symbolic weight since it was there that, in January 2017, he announced that he would run in the primaries to recover the General Secretariat of the PSOE.

The PP considered that this strategy skirted the limits of article 53 of the Loreg, which establishes in its last paragraph that, from the calling of the elections until the legal start of the campaign, “it is prohibited to carry out advertising or electoral propaganda through posters , commercial supports or insertions in the press, radio or other digital media, and said actions cannot be justified by the exercise of the ordinary activities of the parties, coalitions or federations”.

The Electoral Board explains that the wording of this paragraph is the result of the reform introduced by Organic Law 2/2011, of January 28, and that to understand its scope it is necessary to go to the preamble, where it is highlighted that said reform “purses reduce advertising and electoral propaganda during the electoral period”, that is, limit the money that the parties spend on this matter, trying to limit it to the strict period of 15 campaign days.

There was no publicity

It emphasizes that, in view of the documentation examined, it does not appear that there was either a contract for insertions in the media, or any other type of contract for the dissemination of electoral propaganda in which the vote was expressly requested. Therefore, the precept cannot be considered violated, quite the contrary.. Sánchez's interventions were made in an act of his political party, as general secretary of the same, and are protected by his freedom of expression.

The conduct would only be punishable if it were proven that the PSOE carried out some type of contract for advertising dissemination to achieve a greater spread of the message issued by Sánchez.

“I have more strength than ever, more desire than ever, to win the elections. Because this trip does not end here, the social majority of this country does not deserve it. For workers, youth, women, families. We are going to continue fighting and guaranteeing,” the president launched in front of 3,000 people, advancing that he is not willing “for this trip to end on July 23.”. “What is going to be the next victory of the PSOE is starting up,” he indicated in his first pre-campaign act.

The left to the left of the PSOE has lived for several hours in a kind of return to the years of the process. The commons have cracked this Thursday the strategy of Yolanda Díaz in her campaign for the 23-J elections, stating that the Catalan referendum will form part of her electoral program. The second vice president wants to focus on “things to eat”, on recipes against inflation, against the impact of mortgage increases on families, or on tax matters. No one contemplated that the self-determination of Catalonia would slip back into a campaign for the generals, taking away the focus from the rest of the messages. As long as the consultation has been on the political agenda since the late 1970s.

“In the referendum we are where we have always been. Catalonia must vote on its future. It will form part of our electoral program”, affirmed the number one for Barcelona in the lists of Sumar al Congreso early in the afternoon, returning to the fore a debate that is barely heard outside the territory. “Even ERC has abandoned it a bit,” they assume from one of the forces allied with Díaz.

In Sumar's hard core, they try to contain the damage and explain that the commons will have their own program, although a reduced version of what particularly affects Catalonia will be included among the party's recipes for the State as a whole, as was done in the previous electoral appointments. And there, they maintain, what will be included is not a referendum on self-determination, as they claimed in their day, and as Podemos demanded for years, but that they will bet on the “ratification” of a future agreement, to be specified, that should come out of the dialogue table set up by Pedro Sánchez and Pere Aragonès.

It is a forum that has not met for months, and that in no case will it be possible to reissue if the PP takes over the keys to Moncloa on 23-J. There will be no self-determination referendum in the Sumar program, they insist, only the promise to support the Catalans voting on a hypothetical agreement of the dialogue table. forward kick. “We have been saying the same thing for many years,” they insist. A mere look at the measures defended in the most recent elections allows us to specify this statement. The last program of Unidas Podemos for the general elections, with the common members among its ranks, spoke of a referendum, but specified that the lace of the territory should take place “within Spain”: “We are betting on an agreed referendum in which Podemos will defend a new lace for Catalonia in Spain”, reads the text.

In 2021, Ada Colau's party already recognized an important role for the dialogue table, but they continued to contemplate the referendum, to the point of committing to agree on “a procedure” that would allow “consulting the public about the political future, and that regulates the referendum”. They also promised to “agree on a law to establish the procedure, conditions, qualified majorities and the interpretation of any popular consultation by way of referendum, on the modification of the political status of Catalonia and of the State communities”. They even called for adapting Canada's “law of clarity”, which Pere Aragonès also claimed to apply, articulated in Canada before a possible secession of Quebec that, in the end, did not take place. In September 2021, the commons clearly expressed a shift, focusing on the dialogue table and setting aside the referendum, but in the elections held seven months earlier it was included in their program.

“Catalonia must be able to vote on its future, which is a horizon. Perhaps the difference with other forces is that for us it is not an excuse to continue advancing in many other things,” they say from Ada Colau's party, where they are surprised by the dust generated. Vidal's words at a press conference to present the candidacy, in Sabadell, have not had the same echo in the region that they have achieved in the rest of the State.

In Sumar, they recognize that this framework of debate harms them, since today they are focused on generating illusion and covering the internal noise of the last three weeks, focused on talking about the program. The debate on Catalonia, in addition to the fact that the context is radically different, is dangerously reminiscent of the positions already defended in the past, when Podemos was the hegemonic force of the left to the left of the Socialist Party. The number two of the vice president for Madrid, the diplomat Agustín Santos Maraver, has published articles endorsing self-determination, or considering those convicted of 1-O “political prisoners”.. Díaz wants to avoid this scenario and those terms.

For a formation that claims to be transversal, that appeals to social democratic voters and not just the usual left, and that is allied with regionalist parties such as Más Madrid, that does not enter debates like the Catalan one because it is far away, returning to this framework is score an own goal. Íñigo Errejón, today a deputy for Más País, was among the great defenders of the Catalan referendum, and even of the consultation of 9-N of 2014, “even if there are legal measures against it”. Today he has blurred his positions, as Sumar tries to do. “Yolanda is not going to give her the slightest weight,” says one of the formations aligned with the second vice president. And Díaz has avoided giving it to him until now, resisting revealing his positions in recent years. Nor can it give them votes outside of Catalonia, rather the opposite, nor do they believe that it is among the priorities of the political moment.

Díaz's purge of independence

In drawing up the lists, Yolanda Díaz purged the independence movement. Hence the fall of Jaume Asens, who closes the list for Barcelona in these generals. But the key is ICV. Vidal comes from that political space and is a personal friend of Díaz. Gerardo Pisarello and Gala Pin are not pro-independence, but supporters of an agreed consultation, something that has always been on the left-wing program in Catalonia since 1977, with the PSUC. The key is more personal. Gala Pin, in the past, had even taken care of Ada Colau's children. In the region, but also in others, it is personal relationships that have marked the preparation of the lists. Or the favors for Díaz, such as placing Lilith Verstrynge, secretary of the Podemos Organization, as number four. A difficult toad to swallow for Colau's party.

Sumar does not have very good electoral prospects in Catalonia. Beyond number five in Barcelona, the former councilor in the Catalan capital Eloi Badia —also very close to Colau— or number one for Tarragona, Fèlix Alonso, the rest of the candidates are not expected to win a seat. The forecast is that the campaign for the abstention of the independentistas and the foreseeable departure of the CUP from Congress will benefit the D'Hondt Law, above all, the PSC and the PP.

The commons and their previous political spaces —ICV, the PSUC— have always collected in one way or another a query in their electoral programs. It is a demand that has always been maintained, but has never been vindicated afterwards, not even in Parliament.. That they now advocate “ratifying an agreement that arises from the dialogue table to resolve the question of Catalonia's lace in Spain”, in the words of the spokesman, Ernest Urtasun, does not mean a differential fact with other campaigns. The question is at the moment in which they themselves have put the issue on the table, colliding with the strategy of the second vice president.

The management of the post-electoral pacts with Vox has turned the PP into a pressure cooker. If among the barons the law of “every man for himself” prevails, after each community has adopted its own discourse to justify the variety of agreements with those of Santiago Abascal, among the party cadres the initial confusion has turned into “discomfort ”. “What is at stake now is the Moncloa. We cannot put Feijóo's credibility at stake”, laments a popular leader, who points to the “misgovernment” that exists in Genoa as the cause.

Those who have worked on the noble floor in previous stages do not put hot cloths. “A secretary general, coordinator or whatever he exercises is needed,” they lament, while pointing to the plumbers Elías Bendodo and Miguel Tellado for not stopping the blows to Alberto Núñez Feijóo. The reflection is that Carlos Mazón should have been prevented from closing the agreement with Vox in times and conditions that have weighed down the rest of the candidates and mortgaged the leader's speech. They give as an example that the Galician has ended up having to resort to “impossible theories” such as the percentage of vote to justify the lack of common criteria.

Faced with this situation, in the popular ranks they ask Feijóo to give “a coup of authority” and bring order through an “intermediate”. The veterans explain that the current leadership is “misfocusing” on what the baronies are and warn that if the “command and command” of Pablo Casado and Teodoro García Egea was bad, the feeling of “lack of control” is no better.. This is where they miss Bendodo or Tellado, given that the general secretary, Cuca Gamarra, has never been in the organic, take command and protect the agreements with the criteria set by the boss.

“A barony does not mean that you can do whatever you want”, point out the same sources, who clarify that “having a free hand” gives some prerogatives, but also some obligations that go through “being sensible”, in a clear allusion to the pact In the Valencian community. In Genoa, they continued to maintain this Thursday that the origin of the chaos was that Mazón had given Vox everything it demanded and that from that moment those of Santiago Abascal have proposed the same framework in all negotiations, which is considered “unaffordable”..

How could it have been avoided? The answer to the charges of the party is in the newspaper library. They emphasize that Feijóo has been a baron for many years and knows that to do certain things you have to “have stripes”. “Ayuso and Juanma can be autonomous, but some candidates who are not yet presidents, no”, they assure to defend that a minimum criterion should have been established, especially in the programmatic field, to sit with Vox.

Last weekend, Feijóo tried to unify criteria with the order to avoid giving advice to the extreme right. After allowing the Socialists to govern in Barcelona and Vitoria, the message of “mainstreaming” gained strength, but the battle in Extremadura led by María Guardiola again demonstrated the lack of unanimity. The woman from Extremadura is willing to go to an electoral repetition because she does not want to give seats to a party that she describes as xenophobic or denier of sexist violence, while in the Balearic Islands the presidency of the Parliamentary Table is given to Gabriel Le Senne, who has in their social networks sexist and homophobic comments. In Aragon, Jorge Azcón does not want to give them seats in the Executive either and is negotiating with the PAR. Last night they reached an agreement for the distribution of the positions of Parliament, which will be chaired by Vox deputy Marta Fernández. “An agreement similar to that of the Balearic Islands,” sources from the leadership of the Aragonese PP pointed out to El Confidencial, who insist on separating it from the future Executive. “We do not close anything that has to do with the future Government. We created a work table for change”.

While the negotiations continue, the statements of some barons end up discrediting others. Juanma Moreno has sided with Guardiola, Ayuso was very harsh with those of Abascal in his investiture speech and Mazón surfs as best he can, while Fernando López Miras in Murcia is willing to go to the electoral repetition. The justification that “Extremadura is not the Valencian Community” does not serve to calm the spirits in a PP that fears that the road to Moncloa will be “truncated”.

In the polls that have been published, the effect of the multilateral agreements has not harmed Feijóo, who continues to widen his distance with Pedro Sánchez, although he needs Vox. “What is being debated now in the communities is the same as what will have to be faced after the elections,” warn the ranks of the PP. The collegiate leadership that Feijóo established in Genoa to distribute power after assuming command of the PP has not always been as fine-tuned as expected in the party. If the Galician is president, the staff of the main floor will be remodeled. There are internal pools that place Bendodo as a minister and place Tellado as a future all-powerful secretary general. Nobody knows, although many ask that Feijóo's right hand in Galicia now assume full control.

Isabel Díaz Ayuso has revolutionized her Governing Council with two premises: renewal and management. The new team will be made up mostly of technical profiles unknown to the general public, but experienced for years in second-level positions in the Administration, both regional and national.. Thus, the president of the Community of Madrid will almost exclusively assume the ideological weight of the Executive, although she has also truffled the organization chart with names of a political nature and those of her circle of trust in the PP executive. This Friday will be the inauguration of the leader, already immersed in the first absolute majority in 12 years in the region.

The still acting president announced this Thursday the new Government of the Community of Madrid, which maintains the nine councils, after extending the unknown for weeks. He did it during the second session of the investiture debate, just a few moments before it was invested by an absolute majority with the votes of the PP and the abstention of Vox. The common denominator of the team is their management experience in public office, sometimes as deputy councilors during the last legislature.

The line to follow by Ayuso has been the same that he applied in the PP of Madrid and in the constitution of the parliamentary group in the Assembly: generational change and betting on the quarry. Fuentes de Sol, however, explain that it is not a randomly selected batch. “They are a quarry, but they have an important track record in positions of responsibility. Miguel Ángel García, for example, has been as vice-counselor in the Presidency or in Economy and Finance”, they underline. García, although the president has dispensed with the vice presidency, will be one of the new strong men in the structure.

The directors who climb the organization chart are Miguel Ángel García (Presidency, Justice and Local Administration), Rocío Albert (Economy, Finance and Employment), Ana Dávila (Family, Youth and Social Affairs) and Carlos Novillo (Environment, Territorial Planning and Inside). The four were in second-level positions during the last legislature and now they assume command. Among the so-called technocrats of the new Executive are Fátima Matute (Health), Mariano de Paco (Culture, Tourism and Sports), Emilio Viciana (Education and Universities) and Miguel López-Valverde (Digitalization)..

[Who is who in the new Government of Isabel Díaz Ayuso]

Isabel Díaz Ayuso will now assume all the ideological weight of her Government. The last legislature, although she already had the upper hand, the burden was more or less shared with Enrique Ossorio and Javier Fernández-Lasquetty, supporters of the president on many issues and ideologues of the most liberal policies. Both in tax matters and in the so-called culture war against the left. The departure of both from the Executive, with Ossorio as president of the Assembly and Lasquetty on the exit ramp of politics, give the popular leader a new dimension. From his team, they highlight his leadership in this sense, especially due to the low media projection of the new team.

The sources consulted, however, warn that the renewal of the Government also includes political overtones. The most obvious case is that of Jorge Rodrigo (Housing, Transport and Infrastructure), from the circle closest to Ayuso and vice-secretary of the electoral area in the PP of Madrid. The claim is that he and his colleagues grow under the protection of the president.

In Ayuso's team, they also point to profiles such as Carlos Novillo or Miguel Ángel García, who, although they have background as managers, have also been shaped under the political guidelines of the leader in recent years.. García, in fact, is part of the organic organization chart of the popular as head of programs in the party. And at the same level appears Rocío Albert, who was patron of the FAES and represents the most liberal current within the current Executive. His election to the Ministry of Economy, Finance and Employment is not accidental, given the low tax policies and anti-interventionism developed by the popular.

The Government of the Community of Madrid will again have nine ministries, with the merger of some departments to illuminate the Digitization portfolio, the great bet for the future in the region. Isabel Díaz Ayuso uses this situation as an argument to attack the Government of Pedro Sánchez, with 17 ministries. “We have the most austere government in Spain,” the popular leader said this Thursday, after announcing that she will slim down the Administration and reduce the number of deputy ministries and general directorates.

Industrial activity is a differential feature of the Valencian economy. Focusing the analysis on the market economy, without considering the public sector, while in Spain the industry contributes 24% of the national GDP, in the Valencian Community this percentage increases to 28%. In addition, it is where 12% of industrial employment in Spain is located. The ceramic, agri-food, chemical and automotive industries are the industrial sectors with the greatest presence in the region and together they generate close to 95,000 jobs, which means more than a third of Valencian industrial employment..

For some time, an effort has been made to recover industrial activity as a fundamental pillar of the Valencian economy. The crisis caused by COVID-19 has made it possible to verify the importance of the proximity of companies from different sectors and also of the different tasks of the value chain within the same sector. The objective is that the tasks that provide the greatest added value are located in the Community, that is, that they develop intensive activities in both human and technological capital..

The success of the development of the Parc Sagunt business park located in the center of the Mediterranean Arc and considered the national gateway for freight traffic in southern Europe and Spain, the reinforcement of the value chain in the automotive industry with the implementation of the gigafactory of batteries of the Volskwagen group, the promotion of complementary aeronautical and industrial activities around the Castellón Airport and the international competitiveness of the Valencian agri-food industry are just a few examples that, it is not that there is a reindustrialization, but rather that a new industry 5.0 in the Community: sustainable, efficient, competitive, digital and international.

However, it is also necessary to point out some weak points of the Valencian economy that can slow down this industrial boom and against which action must be taken.. The main problem that drags is its low level of productivity. The Valencian private sectors show a level of labor productivity 8% lower than the national average. In addition, this feature does not affect a small number of branches of activity, but is shared by most sectors. Of the 60 sectors into which the Valencian economy is divided, only in fourteen labor productivity exceeds the national average. These most productive branches contribute 17% of the GVA (gross added value) of the Valencian private sector. Therefore, a worrying fact to highlight is that 83% of the Valencian GVA is generated by sectors with lower productivity levels than their counterparts in Spain..

It can be said that the Valencian business activity is little specialized in those sectors that provide a greater added value per worker, such as telecommunications, the pharmaceutical industry, the metallurgical industry, audiovisual activities or consulting services.. Only in the case of the chemical industry, a sector with high productivity per employee, its weight in the Valencian economy (2.42%) exceeds the national figure (1.37%).

The Valencian economy must aim to be able to compete in the current globalized scenario, and for this its business fabric must be strengthened and gain in productivity and sustainability, both economic and environmental. For this, there are different aspects that must be addressed in the short term, among others: reducing the impacts that economic activity generates on the environment (ecological transition), incorporating knowledge into processes and decision-making (human capital) and promote digitization and investment in R+D+i in companies (technological capital).

The qualification of the human resources used by companies determines the development of the most value-generating activities in today's economy. Currently, of the million people in the Valencian Community who have higher education (university or Higher Vocational Training), 92% are working. Putting professionals capable of defining a good development strategy at the forefront of companies will be essential for the future of the Community.

Another aspect that should be promoted is business investment in intangible assets.. Investing in innovation, both in the process and in the product, in brand design, in software and in the continuous training of workers will allow us to continue improving the levels of competitiveness of the sectors. Currently, investment in R&D in the business sector in the Valencian Community stands at 0.57% of GDP, below the 0.8% of the national average, and far from the 1.8% of the business fabric Basque or 1.1% from Madrid and Catalonia.

In order to close the gap that separates us from the productivity levels of Spain, it is convenient to gradually transform the Valencian productive fabric, directing resources towards those sectors that reach higher levels of productivity (telecommunications, R&D services, audiovisual services, industrial pharmaceutical…). In addition, it is important to continue strengthening those sectors with high levels of productivity, and whose presence is also greater in the Community. This is the case of the automotive, ceramics, chemical industry or electrical material and equipment manufacturing industry..

Additionally, all the activity sectors related to environmental sustainability (manufacture of other means of transport and sectors linked to renewable energies) and to the generation of knowledge (design or treatment of big data) may have significant room for growth in the coming years. next years.

In short, industrial policy must continue to be a priority in the Valencian Community. The attraction of large companies should serve as a drag to incorporate R&D and digitization in Valencian SMEs, and the development of new industrial activities to renew the traditional industry and make it more productive and competitive. All this without forgetting that this greater competitiveness must be linked to corporate responsibility in both the environmental and social spheres.

* Juan Pérez Ballester, technician from the Valencian Institute of Economic Research

The Valencian socialists believe they caress the presidency of the Diputación de Valencia. The provincial institution, with a 650 million budget, would be the largest redoubt of power for the PSPV-PSOE and Compromís after the blue wave that led to a turn to the right in the capitals of Valencia and Castelló and in the Valencian Generalitat, if the Party Popular completes the government agreement and investiture with Vox. However, for the left to maintain control of the provincial corporation is something that is not yet closed.. The socialist aspirant to preside over it, Carlos Fernández Bielsa, has not yet guaranteed the necessary vote to obtain the absolute majority of Ens Uneix, the party of the mayor of Ontinyent, Jorge Rodríguez.

Under normal circumstances, with a defined internal leadership, the provincial corporation should serve as a spring and sounding board for the opposition discourse and construction of an alternative to the PP-Vox Council, in coordination with the parliamentary group in the Valencian Parliament. This is what the popular did with the Diputación de Alicante, with Carlos Mazón at the helm, who took advantage of his position to improve his visibility, create municipal and media complicity and, at the same time, coordinate with the general secretary of the party and current mayoress of Valencia , María José Catalá, who acted as spokesperson for the parliamentary group and questioned Ximo Puig weekly in control sessions.

Bielsa, as was the case with Mazón, is not a regional deputy either, a circumstance that would prevent him from directly confronting the new president at the Palau de la Generalitat. For now, control over the socialist parliamentary group is held by Puig, who plans to become president of the group, appoint a spokesperson and lead the opposition.. This intention, as well as his continuity at the head of the PSPV, will depend on the result of the PSOE in the general elections on July 23, on how the Socialists at the federal level decide whether or not to replace Pedro Sánchez in the event of defeat, as the polls predict, and the influence that the new internal balance of families will have on the Valencian federation. Bielsa is a contender, but he might not be the only one. The Minister of Science, Diana Morant, with the support of the same if Puig takes a step back, or the mayor of Elda, Rubén Alfaro, are other names to take into account.

This organic uncertainty is going to condition the position of the Valencia Provincial Council as a counterpower to the new PP and Vox coalition Council, according to various sources linked to the PSPV-PSOE. Bielsa's critics are convinced that he will make the institution an instrument of “personal promotion”, while those around him maintain that he will strive to build an alternative discourse to the right-wing with a view to benefiting his party for the next four years, whatever happens. what happens in the internal push for leadership.

Be that as it may, Bielsa has not yet closed the command rod of the corporation. Ens Uneix, a formation that claims to be on the left, has started a round of contacts with the PSPV and the PP to decide who it supports. As a starting minimum, it requires being part of the Government with a vice-presidency and important commitments with its region, the Vall d'Albaida, in terms of investments.

Rodríguez comes from the socialist ranks. He was forced to resign as president of the Provincial Council and suspended from militancy after the Alquería case broke out. He always claimed his innocence, and remained in charge of the Ontinyent mayor's office, where he has revalidated the position with an absolute majority both in 2019 and on May 28. His independent party has also achieved six other mayoralties in the region, which has shielded the provincial deputy, a position that Natalia Enguix will occupy. If the comparative analysis is made with the regional ones that were voted on the same day, Rodríguez has united the vote of the left and the right, but the left won widely in Ontinyent in the Generalitat ballot box, with Compromís ahead of the PSPV. In other words, the mayor governs a city of just over 35,000 inhabitants based on a local sociology of a progressive nature..

But Rodríguez, who has been acquitted of embezzlement and prevarication by the Justice (although the Prosecutor's Office has appealed the sentence), has the thorn in his expulsion from the party and believes that, before sealing the agreement to hand over the presidency of the Diputación de Valencia, the regional leadership of Ximo Puig “should apologize and express some gesture of regret”, something that has not happened so far. Rodríguez, whose mother committed suicide three months after the police operation in Alquería, has come to state publicly that the way in which he was separated has led him to question whether Puig “is a good person”.

In that raft of reproaches the Popular Party tries to fish. Its provincial president, Vicente Mompó, met last Tuesday with the Ens Uneix negotiating delegation and came to offer investment commitments from the Generalitat, which will be chaired by the conservative Carlos Mazón, in exchange for not supporting the Socialists. Mompó has also promised that Vox would not have management responsibilities either, one of the red lines of Ens Uneix. The PP would not need the ultra-conservatives to obtain the presidency, because without Rodríguez giving the PSPV an absolute majority with his vote in a coalition with Compromís, the popular ones would obtain the rod of command as they are the list with the most votes, as established by Loreg for corporations local.

In the surroundings of Bielsa, where they defend the good harmony of the mayor of Mislata with the mayor of Ontinyent, they separate their relationship from that of the ximismo, they see in the round of contacts with the PP a “staging” that will lead to nothing and they even open the door to the return of Rodríguez to the ranks of the PSOE. “I do not see Jorge giving the government to the PP. I would be wrong if it is the other way around. I don't see any sign of that”, assures a source very close to Bielsa, who believes that the bases have already been laid “for a horizon of mutual trust”. “We believe that a progress agreement is possible in which they share all those things that unite us, such as municipalism, equality, policies for the people, which we have always defended”. The resolution to the unknown, before the week of July 17, when the constitution of the Provincial Council of Valencia and its president is elected.

The ghost of the electoral repetition in Extremadura has led Guillermo Fernández Vara to reconsider his intention to abandon politics after 28-M. A decision that they have applauded in Ferraz. Party sources consider the socialist baron as “the president that Extremadura needs, given the show that PP and Vox are giving”. They see it as their main asset to re-present themselves if the lack of agreement leads to new elections and, as is foreseeable, the right does not refrain from the inauguration that the still acting president will attempt before. “If there is repetition, it will be Guillermo [Fernández Vara]” the candidate, say sources from the PSOE leadership. It remains party and there is no place for hasty organic resignations.

The support is total and the head of the Government and leader of the Socialists, Pedro Sánchez, has held two personal meetings with Vara in recent days. Your circumstances and decisions could become a mirror if you lose the elections on 23-J. That is, to resolve the doubts of those who think about the day after, about the succession, if they are defeated at the polls.

The message that the President of the Government sent to his people in the last Federal Committee was that “one day I will stop being president, but not on 23-J”. A message with a double reading, in a motivational key to launch to prepare the generals, immediately after the debacle of 28-M, and also of succession. Despite this, all the defeated barons have decided to hold on to their posts before the hypothetical opening of a succession process. With the Extremaduran mirror and Ferraz's determination to encourage Vara not to step aside, doubts are dissipating that Sánchez would not immediately leave the general secretary's office if he is defeated in the general elections. At least until there is investiture.

The possibility of an electoral repetition in the absence of absolute majorities (in the last two appointments of general elections, the elections had to be repeated) feeds the reasons for remaining in office until the situation is resolved. Without a replacement and as acting president, the only option to repeat as a PSOE candidate would be that of Pedro Sánchez. The leader of the popular, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, who the polls give a winner, but needing Vox to add, actively and passively maintains that he will govern alone. Those of Santiago Abascal, for their part, defend that if their votes are necessary, they will demand to enter the Government. The negotiation in this situation will not be easy and the Galician leader will have to choose between the model of Extremadura or that of the Valencian Community, where the PP of Carlos Mazón has advanced a coalition agreement with the formation of the extreme right.

Before assuming this decision, always with the ghost of electoral repetition lurking if Feijóo maintains his commitment not to allow Vox to enter his Executive if he wins the elections, the leader of the popular will insist on asking the PSOE to abstain. A technical abstention that returns to the forefront of political language. That is, that the list with the most votes be allowed to govern so as not to have to agree with the crutches of each block. If Feijóo wins in a minority, prevent Vox from assuming government responsibilities, and if Sánchez does, prevent him from agreeing with the space to his left, now represented by Sumar.

The President of the Government has already ruled out this possibility and following Ferraz's command is the best guarantee to comply. Sánchez avoids the debate on the most voted list, also taking advantage of the fact that the popular ones have joined Vox to unseat socialist candidates who on 28-M were the first force. There will therefore be no abstention from the PSOE after 23-J to prevent a coalition government with Vox.

This is precisely the scenario indicated by the IMOP-Insights survey for El Confidencial published this Monday. The PP would obtain 33.3% of the vote and 136-138 deputies in Congress, some 40 seats above the PSOE, which remains below the psychological barrier of 100. An indisputable triumph, but insufficient for his goal of trying to govern alone. “The PSOE is an organization that deserves respect,” Sánchez demanded in an interview with Carlos Alsina on Onda Cero after being told that the possibility of preventing Santiago Abascal's men from entering a coalition could be in his hands.

A voluntary step aside from Sánchez, if he fails to revalidate himself as president of the Government, would not guarantee that “respect” that he asks of the PSOE. As he did not guarantee in 2016 at the investiture of Mariano Rajoy, with the traumatic abstention of socialist deputies that Sánchez opposed, intoning the no is no, until he ended up forcing his resignation.

To avoid these hypothetical fractures, Sánchez has drawn up electoral lists with people he trusts completely.. Much greater armor than in the 2019 elections. In fact, on this occasion, Ferraz chose to impose his candidates on various lists, both from territories led by critical barons and by like-minded. The clashes over the preparation of the candidacies inflamed the spirits in the federations of Castilla-La Mancha, the Valencian Community, Aragon and Castilla y León, causing the resignations of all the candidates on the Teruel list and for Ávila.

The leader of the socialists in Castilla y León, Luis Tudanca, one of the barons closest to the current Ferraz leadership, came to be publicly “outraged, disappointed and disappointed” with the impositions on the lists corresponding to his constituencies. The barons of Castilla-La Mancha and Aragón, Emiliano García-Page and Javier Lambán, for their part, did not even go to the Federal Committee that ratified the lists. Although the fire was controlled at the meeting of the highest body between congresses, the day after it was in everyone's mind and the fight for the lists left its mark.

Another of the reasons to avoid a hasty withdrawal, not to reissue the Government, shared in this case by all the political leaders who are going through these circumstances, is to prepare a calm relief. A controlled succession to influence the process. Beyond the message with which he closed the last Federal Committee —”someday I will stop being president, but not on 23-J”—, Sánchez avoids these debates at all costs, but he is clear about the legacy for which he wants to be remembered . “It will be you who make that reflection,” he responded to this question from Carlos Alsina to close his interview last Monday, to add that he would like “at least the public to interpret these years, which have been turbulent from the point of view of Given the geopolitical situation, we have tried to show our faces, not ignoring the challenges, facing them head-on and doing so in a supportive manner”.