Frankenstein II: The Loser's Resounding Victory
The loser has won. And the winner has lost, in such a way that the day of 23J has been much more conducive to Sánchez than indicated by the political inertia —28M—, the polls, the electoral campaign and even the media consensus regarding funerals.
It will be necessary to organize an act of reparation for Tezanos, erect a monument to Zapatero and recognize Sánchez's reputation as an indestructible president. The Resistance Manual is still in force. And it is not that the PSOE has won the elections, but the increase in deputies compared to 2019, the drive of Sumar and the loyalty of the independent partners, mean that Pedro Sánchez's successor in Moncloa is Pedro Sánchez.
The far-right fear campaign has worked. And the regional agreements with Vox have penalized Feijóo. The popular leader may say that the result of the PP is excellent compared to four years ago, but the increase in seats —from 89 to 136— is inexpressive, frustrating.
The popular leader has underestimated the hidden vote. And it has disappointed the Social Democratic and Ciudadanos voters who have distanced themselves from the PP after the agreements with the extreme right have prospered.
Sánchez has managed to attract the suffragette who was suspicious of Vox. And he has turned Catalonia —and the Basque Country— into the political platform that best amplifies his campaign and his reputation. Not only because the PSC's constitutionalist brand has been reinforced, but because Sánchez has vampirized the sovereignist satellites. Frankenstein has eaten Esquerra Republicana, more or less as he has put the PNV in the clutches of Bildu.
Does that mean that the sovereignists most loyal to Sánchez could rethink the resuscitation of Frankenstein? It has not been convenient for them to support him in electoral terms, but it is hard to believe that a blocking position will be imposed and the corresponding electoral repetition will ensue..
It is impressive that one of the privileged keys to the investiture majority is held by Puigdemont's party, reluctant to agree with Sánchez and a decisive force in the future of the socialist leader in Monclovense. That is why it makes sense to wonder the price that the expresident will put on his triumphant return. And the way in which the self-determination referendum is exposed again.
Ruled out that Feijóo can aspire to the succession of Sánchez. And considering the aspiration of the list with the most votes to be useless, the question does not consist in deciding whether or not Peter the Great is going to be president, but rather how he is going to achieve it..
It makes sense to take stock of Sánchez's successes no matter how much disbelief they produce. The campaign of the impostor who rubbed Feijóo all his lies has worked. The effectiveness of economic measures has been demonstrated, the fervor of retirees. It has been a success leaning on the crutch of Yolanda Díaz. It has even been a success to advance the elections. And not because of the anomaly that voting in July implies, but because the traumatic scenario of 28M offered the socialist leader to unmask the pacts between the PP and Vox. It is the trap that Feijóo accepted without realizing the relevance that mamoneo with the extreme right entailed. It is not the same to win the great debate as to win the elections, nor is it the same to take advantage of the widespread aversion to sanchismo as to turn the deterioration of the PSOE into an excuse to launch a campaign without exciting ideas or proposals.. The map of Spain is blue, with the exception of the Canary Islands, Andalusia and the Basque Country, okay, but the blurred image of the victory suffers from its uselessness and the very small difference in votes. The distance is resolved in less than one point and in a matter of 100,000 voters. There is no more failure for Feijóo than Sánchez's heir being Sánchez himself. Frankenstein II may be a worse horror movie than the first.