The war in Ukraine, the tensions with Morocco and the growing strategic uncertainty, with the pressure of the professional military associations, have given an unprecedented relevance to the defense chapters in the programs of (almost) all the parties facing the 23rd -J. Some political lines that crucially affect the 140,000 Spanish military (active and reservists), more than 24,000 industry workers and another 57,000 indirect jobs generated by the sector; and outline the strategic ambitions that each organization assumes for the country in the most unstable international moment since the Cold War.
Under different formats, all the parties have included plans for the Armed Forces, references to the military industry and their geopolitical leanings to make a difference.. The proposals range from using the Armed Forces to revitalize empty Spain (PSOE), increasing the number of troops (PP), militarizing the border with Morocco (Vox) or eliminating the military justice system (Sumar).. In the barracks, good intentions are celebrated, but the lack of specificity is criticized (a vice that can be extended to many of the areas covered in the electoral programs, where generalities tend to abound and concrete proposals are scarce)..
“Have we noticed that there is more interest and commitment from the parties to the defense? Of course, yes, but very ambiguous and diffuse in the electoral programs. You have to get more wet and be clear when putting it in writing,” explains Marco Antonio Gómez, president of the Spanish Troop and Sailor Association (ATME).. “There is no clarity to address a major reform,” he adds.
The crew will have to wait
The first point that the programs suffer from, say the military associations, is precisely the one they consider most urgent. The future of the troop. In this section, both PSOE and PP are dispatched with open formulas. The Socialists are extremely vague in the drafting of proposals and speak of “execution of measures approved by the subcommittee for the study of the professional regime of troops and seamen”, “deepening the implementation of reconciliation measures” or “improvements in living conditions “.
The popular ones are not much more explicit either. Beyond an increase in active troops to the maximum of the 140,000 allowed by law, the party limits itself to committing to “strengthening the armed forces as a deterrent and defense element” and to “improve their social and labor conditions after years of injustice”.. But they do include directly that the time of service counts for calls for public employment.
Vox does assume more directly some of the demands of the military, especially the equalization of salaries to the forces and security forces of the State. However, this promise is diluted within a broader measure to adjust the salaries of national bodies, customs and regional and local police, without specifying how this harmonization would be done. It also includes the aspiration of a single military career law, but limits itself to saying only “the best” soldiers and sailors are relocated to the structure of the Ministry of Defense after the age limit of 45 years.. Another point that the associations demand and that the training of Santiago Abascal does make clear is the “civil approval of military studies and specialties”
Sumar, for its part, does not refer at any time to the situation of the Armed Forces or professional soldiers.. His only proposal for the troops, included in his justice reforms, is “the suppression of military justice and its integration into the ordinary jurisdiction”, as well as the repeal of the military penal code and procedural norms (preserving the specific types and processes to the exercise of arms, as well as the absorption of military justice professionals in the civilian circuit).
“In all cases, either they are proposals that lack specificity or, in the case in which something concrete is proposed, such as a single military career law, it is based on a model discussed in a bill of the year 2021, which was technically a disaster and did not fix the problems of temporality, nor the career model”, considers Iván Alcántara, of the Unified Association of Spanish Military (AUME). “There is little interest in the issues that affect the personnel of the Armed Forces. On the other hand, we do see in most of them greater interest in what is related to the defense industry; We believe that without well-paid and well-cared personnel, it is useless to invest large amounts in weapons and material,” he adds..
disparate social missions
In addition, the different parties have outlined different missions for an Armed Forces that is more in contact with society.. The PSOE takes a stand in this regard with a proposal to use the armies as a lever for development in empty Spain with the “deconcentration of military units throughout the national territory”, giving as an example the future logistics base of Córdoba or that of Monte de The Queen in Toro (Zamora). However, the military associations see this proposal as a shot in the foot to the already diminished recruitment capacity..
“If we already have problems, that can lead to losing even more attractiveness of staff. The lack of attractiveness is due in the first place to the very poor remuneration. But if on top of that we put the garrisons in isolated places, nobody will want to go, only the people of the area. In fact, there are battalions that have moved to large cities to cover the necessary personnel.. That repopulating spirit is a pipe dream,” lists Miguel Peñarroya, president of the Professional Association of NCOs (Asfaspro).
Sumar, for its part, proposes promoting a climate training program for the Military Emergency Unit (UME) and civil protection services, extendable to regional security and emergency forces and teams, to gain muscle in the fight against the climate emergency. Something that, the military themselves remember, the UME and other units of the Armed Forces have already been doing, which have been on the front line in all the recent catastrophes in Spain, from the La Palma volcano to the snowfalls, from the pandemic to the fires.
Both Alberto Núñez Feijóo's PP and Vox propose the creation of a new voluntary military reserve model to allow greater involvement of the civilian world in the military sphere and both formations speak of promoting the culture of defense, although without much more. development on how to define or achieve that goal.
Industry in focus
The programs also reflect the vision of the different parties on the defense industry, with very significant opportunities and challenges in this new investment cycle.. PSOE and PP abound in some aspects. President Pedro Sánchez commits in his program to reinforce the budget in accordance with “international commitments” (2% from NATO) and to continue with the equipment acquisition and updating programs. In addition, it specifies that it will continue in its defense industrial policy with a strategic autonomy orientation with programs underway such as the Dragon 8×8 combat vehicle, the F110 frigates or the S-80 submarine, or those that are yet to come such as the action ship Maritime Intervention Submarine (BAM-IS) or the Chain Support Vehicle (VAC).
The popular ones also confirm the aspiration of a 2% expense and are favorable to the industrial impulse, but with a review to “clarify the technologies and assets with a medium-long-term vision (10/15 years)”. In addition, they send the message that they will favor “the consolidation of the sector, promoting companies with the possibility of competing” (one of the most recurring conversations in the sector) and they assure that they will promote multi-year investment plans with priority for national and allied companies. Vox limits itself to mentioning that “the modernization programs for the Armed Forces will be adequately provided”.
In the antipodes, the formation of Yolanda Díaz, who warns that she will promote “a review and audit of the Special Weapons Programs and other expenses associated with defense plans in order to provide them with greater transparency”. Also a review of export policies (national and European) to prevent arms from being sold to countries that violate human rights, a category where some key clients of the Spanish industry could be included..
“We need to be up to date in material, the disinvestment caused capacities and materials to be lost with years of more. On the other hand, we are witnessing the paradox, as has happened in this year's budgets, that spending on defense in billions of euros is increased to levels that even cannot be spent. Why billions for equipment and zero for personnel?” asks Miguel Peñarroya, second lieutenant (in reserve) of Asfaspro.
strategic Spain
The programs also reflect the vision of the parties on the strategic role of Spain in the midst of the geopolitical turbulence incubated in a pandemic and accelerated after the Russian invasion of Ukraine.. Linked to their different diplomatic visions, we once again see several trends.
PSOE and PP, in different ways, confirm a seamless support for the Ukrainian cause, closing ranks with European and Atlantic allies. Both parties also juggle rhetorically to show their support for European strategic autonomy and, at the same time, the importance of NATO partners.. I mean, the United States.
The Socialists detail the priority attention to the southern flank, in regions such as the Sahel and the Gulf of Guinea, in addition to their commitment to reinforce the already high Spanish participation in international security and defense missions and organizations. The popular ones, more blurred, point more to symbolic issues, such as “the need for a compact government that does not cast doubt on its loyalties in matters such as the war in Ukraine or the promotion of democracy” (in clear reference to the dissent in the coalition of government PSOE-Unidas Podemos on different international aspects).
In addition, the two majority parties adopt a conciliatory tone with Morocco. The PSOE advocates “deepening the new stage of bilateral relations”, while the PP is that it frames it in a “reasonable balance” with Algeria and “without forgetting our responsibilities with the Saharawi people”..
Sumar, for its part, emphasizes diplomacy and its strategy involves overcoming “the dichotomous vision that reduces these neighborly relations to the exclusive prism of cooperation or conflict”, whether in the Maghreb or in the case of China.. Although, at the same time, he advocates for the Sahrawis and calls Western Sahara “occupied territories”. His intention is to move away from the influence of NATO to further promote European strategic autonomy and, in parallel, to ask to eliminate the requirement of unanimity in EU decisions on common foreign and security policy.. On Ukraine, a circumlocution — “we will continue with comprehensive solidarity with Ukraine and strengthen the diplomatic channel to achieve, when circumstances allow, a just and lasting peace” — to send the message that, for the time being, support will be maintained as an allied country.
Vox does not mention the word Ukraine in its entire electoral program and focuses all its focus on ending the “blackmail” of Morocco (and some mentions of China). Among his proposals, a “military deployment on the borders of Ceuta, Melilla and the Canary Islands… in the face of invasions promoted by neighboring states or international organizations”, without further details. In addition, it links development aid to migration cooperation and is more committed to bilateralism than international organizations.