Where we live and what our environment is like influences the direction of the vote.
The Popular Party, which took 33.1% of the votes on the day of 23-J, shot up in the census sections with the highest income in the country. Meanwhile, its worst results occur in the most impoverished areas. Unlike Vox, which is where it garnered its highest percentage of votes, almost three points more than in the national total..
The performance of those from Abascal declines as wealth increases, except in the richest segment, where it rebounds, although with less intensity than the popular ones. The inverse behavior presents Add. Those of Yolanda Díaz plummet seven points compared to their result in all of Spain in the richest segment.
For their part, the Socialists, who closed election night with 31.7% of the votes, are the favorites in the lower-income areas of the country. By ideological blocks, the left is in the majority in the poorest 10% and the right shoots up in the richest 10%.
The most impoverished areas, in general, correlate with those with the largest unemployed population. Also with those in which fewer have higher education. Regarding the direction of their votes, they show a behavior similar to the income cross, although in this case the blocks are more balanced and only diverge at the extremes..
By parties, PSOE and Sumar show opposite trends as the numbers of unemployed grow. Those of Sánchez received more ballots, rebounding in the last decile, while Díaz's training had better results where the employee data was more positive.
In this case, the percentage of votes for the rest of the formations —among which are Junts, ERC, PNV or EH Bildu— grows in the regions with the lowest numbers of unemployed. Many of these regions are located in the Basque Country, Navarra and Catalonia, where the nationalist or independence vote is gaining strength.
This is attenuated in the comparison with the proportion of people with higher education, where the vote for these parties falls slightly, which coincides with the census data published by the National Institute of Statistics: in many sections of the Basque communities and Navarre, in particular, Vocational Training takes on equal or greater prominence than university studies.
Age is another determining factor.. Whether you look at the average age of the census section or the percentage of people over 65, the conclusion is the same: the oldest areas were more prone to right-wing votes, but so were the youngest.
By matches, those of Núñez Feijóo had a better reception in areas with a higher average age, above 51.2 years, while the far-right formation obtained better results in the younger territories, below 38 ,7 years. And the formations that aspire to re-edit the coalition government had more support where the average age was between 43.3 and 45.6 years. Where more people born abroad live, the sum of PSOE and Sumar is close to 50% of the votes. At the other extreme, the Socialists were also the most voted in areas with less immigration.
Vox, who includes various anti-immigration measures in its program, shows few oscillations in this regard: its ballots were chosen in the same proportion, with almost no influence on the number of people not born in Spain.. The Popular Party is the only one that was losing votes as the percentage of people born abroad grew.
Methodology
For the crosses by average age, level of studies and percentage of people born abroad, the data from the 2021 census published by the National Institute of Statistics (INE) have been used.. The income data comes from the Atlas of income distribution, also from the INE, of households for the year 2020.