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Spanish politics has many problems. But most of them are not only here.. They are shared by most Western countries.

Before Hamas committed its atrocious attack, for example, the Israeli Government's priority was to reduce the autonomy and powers of judges, especially those of the Supreme Court, which it accuses of playing politics with its rulings.. In Sweden and Finland, governments led by traditional parties also depend on radical partners that generate constant instability. In Belgium, the difficulties for the parties to reach an agreement delay the investiture processes: on one occasion, 589 days were spent with a government in office. In the United States, a senator named Joe Manchin is considered “the most powerful man in Washington,” because he is decisive in the approval of laws and always demands that they provide some concrete benefit for the small state he represents, West Virginia (1.8 million inhabitants), which ends up being more decisive, for example, than California (40 million).

In many ways we believe we are unique, well, we are just like everyone else.. The true anomaly of Spanish politics is the enormous number of parties with representation in Congress that oppose the Constitution to a greater or lesser degree and the degree of influence they have over the Executive.. In that, we hardly have any comparison.

A complicated distinction

In many countries there are parties that oppose the constitutional order. In the British House of Commons, for example, two large parties that want their territories to become independent from the United Kingdom are represented, Sinn Féin and the Scottish Nationalist Party, but they are almost irrelevant in national politics (they add up to just over 7 .5% of seats). In most countries, parties openly contrary to the existing order are prohibited: in Germany, for example, the Communist Party is banned, as well as several neo-Nazi parties..

Italy and France have also banned formations contrary to the Constitution, but not the League when it was an independence party or the Corsican Nation Party. Perhaps a case comparable to the Spanish one is that of the nationalist New Flemish Alliance party, which promotes the progressive self-determination of Flanders and participated in the national government of Belgium.. But as Ignacio Jurado, political scientist and professor at the Carlos III University, reminded me, most situations of this kind are ambiguous: perhaps only the pro-independence parties can be considered totally contrary to the constitutions, to the extent that they deny the “demos”, the people, to whom the Constitution says correspond.

In any case, four pro-independence parties are represented in the Spanish Congress of Deputies that are actively working to end the Spanish Constitution (ERC, Junts, Bildu and BNG) and perhaps nine (those grouped in Sumar plus the PNV) that oppose central parts of it, such as the monarchy or the territorial organization. Together they account for more than 15% of the seats, all of them are necessary for the investiture of Pedro Sánchez and for the approval of relevant laws such as budgets, and Sumar will direct several ministries.

Liberal or ungovernable?

This makes Spain one of the most liberal countries with dissident opinions, to which it gives institutional representation without any hindrance and whose role in the government it has fully normalized.. Spanish democracy has innumerable problems, but no one can accuse it of not being one of the most representative and open in the world..

But that, as we now see to a greater extent than at any other time in the recent past, also generates constant institutional instability. A relevant part of democratic representatives do not consider that the head of State is legitimate, they do not swear to abide by the Constitution when assuming their positions and they seem to consider that their institutional responsibilities are tools to erode institutions.. It also produces a justified feeling of grievance: some territories obtain disproportionate benefits because they have nationalist parties, but this does not happen due to electoral chance, as in the case of Senator Manchin of West Virginia, but rather it has become something structural.. In many countries there is a strong polarization between rival parties, but this always occurs within the system: even the most radical formations of the German, French or Italian parliament abide by the constitutional order..

In Spain, on the other hand, there is a double polarization: the one that confronts the parties that support the system, and the one that confronts them with those who want to end it.. The usual thing is for democratic parties to take for granted the biggest thing – the form of the State – and argue about the smallest thing – the concrete political measures.. In Spain, it happens the other way around. As we have seen in the pact that the PSOE and Junts have signed, even system parties buy anti-system stories to achieve power. Contrary to what some socialists say now, that is not irrelevant or circumstantial.. It has become structural. Those opposed to the system have become essential for this.

Contrary to the worst temptations – sometimes expressed by Vox or Isabel Díaz-Ayuso – the solution is not to reduce the great ideological permissiveness of the Spanish system and prohibit parties that oppose the Constitution from participating in legislation.. It is democratically good to preserve that situation. The challenge is to allow these parties to freely represent the citizens who vote for them and exercise their influence in the system, but stop being anomalously essential in it..

The PSOE, however, has decided to reinforce its structural character in the government. His speech is that there is no alternative: not only for Pedro Sánchez to retain power, but for Spain to be a truly inclusive country.. It's false. And, consequently, the question is: how to ensure that Spanish institutions continue to be impeccably representative, but that does not lead to the collapse of the system? The PP must give part of the answer to that question. But the PSOE must begin by recognizing that it is the biggest question we face. And then try to answer it credibly..