The worst and most embarrassing campaign of democracy

Taking refuge in the undecided is an analytical resource that, in reality, covers up doubts about the certainty of the results and protects the prudence of the predictors. It is more likely that, in 72 hours, the majority of the voters will vote to prevent Pedro Sánchez from being able to govern to give Feijóo the possibility of doing so. We will see if with ease or without it. We will see if alone or in the company of others. It often happens that the ends of the period in history are consummated more with a failure than with a success..

The mental framework that establishes that the general secretary of the PSOE is part of the problem of Spain and not of the solution has been imposed. And that, therefore, it is a priority that the PSOE candidate fail and, as a consequence, that the PP candidate succeed. On Sunday, let no one be fooled, it is much more decided to evict the first from Moncloa than to rent it to the second. That is why the electoral battle is being sleepless, omnivorous, and in which so many are losing what should never be lost: self-esteem and shame.. Ultimately, the reputation.

The worst campaign of democracy

Those of us who have lived through all the electoral campaigns since 1979 —this is already the fifteenth— it is very possible that we do not remember one like the one that is gasping. In addition to anger, it has been confusing and based on the unequal ethical clumsiness of the two candidates. Discounting that of the socialist, who has vindicated his lies, describing them as changes of opinion and, thus, making them worse, the slips of the popular, charitably branded as inaccuracies, have created a breeding ground for various media outlets, strangely committed to the fate of one of the options in dispute rather than with their professional deontology, have become mired in a cross of invective in defense and attack of the contenders as if some of their professionals were part of the sapper garrison of Ferraz or Genoa.

Truth and lies are relative, not absolute categories, but to approach the first and try to avoid the second, rigorous data, respect for citizens and a personal willingness to rectify in case of error or misrepresentation are necessary. omission. Especially when both raise in the field of probity the key argument for the claim of the citizens' vote. If the campaign of the PSOE and its candidate has been terrible, given its indefensible management, that of the PP and its candidate has been bad, fighting with arbitrary creativity of reality (increase in pensions and judicial archive of the Pegasus case) the rectifications of the opponent.

It is true that the ground has been muddied by a government management bridled by the worst traveling companions for the stability of the State and its institutions, but, for this very reason, the opportunity of the PP to fly high has been wasted due to excessive anxiety before the obvious collapse of the left. Furthermore, the pull of the extremes —Vox and Sumar— has been so conditioning of the centrality of the speeches that the ballot of hundreds of thousands of voters, perhaps millions, will opt for the lesser evil instead of for a project suggestive and promising for the coming years.

Release Sánchez de Sánchez

However, for the President of the Government himself, his failure would be repairing (Sánchez frees himself from Sánchez), because in the event that he could attempt an investiture trying to repeat the majority of the previous legislature – he has no other alternative -, the price that would be required by his potential allies would be disastrous for the nation, because it would lead to the precariousness of the territorial unity of Spain, which is the essential constitutional foundation, and would alter political stability and legal security. The cost of their eventual support was announced jointly by Junqueras, Otegi and Rufián last Monday in Barcelona.

It is very possible that, even for Sánchez, the counterpart was so leonine that it made it rejectable, but seen what has been seen (dialogue table, pardons, decriminalization of sedition, relationship with radical Abertzalism), no one would put their hand in the fire for the integrity of the still head of the Government in the face of the temptation to continue in power. He would falter and, therefore, what 23-J is about is to separate him from any promiscuous temptation with the separatists and the populist left.

Yolanda and Santiago, the radical anachronism

For the rest, failure is also liberating for populism to the left of the PSOE. Yolanda Díaz —who in the last stages of the campaign has already taken off her mask and has resorted to the least stylish tools against Feijóo and the PP, she who claims to represent false progressive glamor— has set up an artifact that is so precarious, so artificial and inconsistent that would collapse at the first change if it were one of the wickers of the basket of a new coalition.

The Galician already knows, and her tension proves it, that, with 15 ingredients, and also territorial and identity, Sumar's cohesion will last as long as a piece of candy at the door of a school. A failure, if it were not a debacle, would keep her in the politics of aesthetics that she likes, which consists of lurking in the face and in that constant smile, which is a grimace, to soften her radicalism.. Thus, it adjusts to the protocol dictated by the communist manual of the third decade of the 21st century to make some sense in contemporary times when ideological nutrition comes from the anachronistic Manifesto of its referent: Karl Marx..

The Vox program, at the other end of the spectrum, is a compendium of dogmatisms, in addition to being legally and politically unfeasible, installed on the margins of Spanish reality. They connect, yes, with the most fundamentalist currents of the European radical right, but ours is a country that has distinguished itself for going with a different step compared to that set by the trends of the continent. Our recent history explains it.

Abascal's party is reactive to the stimuli of the deranged politics of the Sánchez government and the irritating prominence of the Catalan republicans and the nationalist pro-nationals of Bildu. Collecting discomfort and using it as a battering ram is a strategy as obvious as it is surely transitory.. If your contest is necessary to form an alternative government to the current one, the Popular Party has to sacramentally establish its red lines and verify the validity of its non-negotiable principles.

The separatists: better to go as victims

What the secessionists and Basque and Catalan nationalists fear the most is that a president of the Government grants them what they ask for. Because then they would have to comply with their maximum program and what would happen to them in Catalonia and the Basque Country would happen to their counterparts in Quebec or Scotland: that, at the moment of truth, separatism is divisive for their own societies, that their hegemony is maintained in the resistance and in the victimization claim and that outside the ecosystem of the emotional epic, they fail. Every time they have tried, they have put the State in trouble, but, in the end, the system has broken all attempts. Here in the UK and Canada. Thrown guys like Puigdemont appear in the story of hundred in wind.

ERC, Bildu and the PNV are perfectly aware that their very existence depends on practicing the policies they know: against, because if they are propositive they have no future. For the Basque-Catalan quartet (add Junts), the nationalist “fervor” that Aitor Esteban has announced before a right-wing government —a kind of blackmailing warning— is more important than an eventual possibility of making their wettest dreams come true. The independence movement in the Basque and Catalan peripheries is an impostor, an alibi to survive and an unfeasible nonsense. and they know it.

The right, to make the adjustment

In the collective instinct, and as economic curves come, as warned by the wise Manuel Pizarro in Punto Ciego, the podcast published last Monday, which already succeeded in warning us of the 2008 crisis in the face of a denialist Solbes and an obtuse Zapatero, the voters have always behaved in the same way: entrusting the adjustment to the right. Peoples, like individuals, have a collective soul and community instincts and, among them, survival, both with respect to principles (national unity, parliamentary monarchy) and material needs..

The European Union will return to its own rights: the fiscal rules. In other words, deficit adjustment, public debt reduction and strict compliance with the conditions for receiving the rest of the extraordinary funds to overcome the ravages of the pandemic. These objectives, which Spain blatantly fails to meet, are going to be demands on a possible PP government to which voters historically attribute a kind of resilience in the face of crises that the left lacks. And it is that the replacement in power is prescribed for almost unconscious reasons, but that act on the electorate as the law of gravity. Feijóo will have to manage the shortage after Sánchez's waste, some of them as unreasonable as poorly executed. In short, let us draw a thick veil (for the moment) on the role of the President of the Government as host of the EU-Celac summit in Brussels. It was assured that the campaign would not affect, for bad, the Spanish presidency of the Council of Ministers of the Union. That promise hasn't been fulfilled either..

The shoemaker mistake

Zapatero's irruption in the Sánchez campaign was the worst symptom for the PSOE. Socialism has never had —Sánchez belongs to another lineage of politicians— a less solvent, more banal and largely discredited leader than the one from Leon. The reason for his presence at the rallies is explained: he wants to vindicate his sound failure by leaving Moncloa through the back door (that humiliating May 2010, that reform of article 135 of the Constitution by order of the European Union that Rajoy provided him in August 2011) and maintain a certain relevance profile: talk about it, even if it is bad.

Sometimes, in order to survive, you have to wander as a spokesperson for someone else's cause, with delirious interventions (what a stupefying digression of yours at a rally in the Basque Country, alluding in an unconnected way to the universe and infinity!) and, on occasions, making good the theory of the useful fool, an expression of political significance coined by Leninism. The Alliance of Civilizations, the Puebla Group, the international lobby (Morocco?), collaborators of yesteryear (in the media and in consulting-lobbying) who now provide services directly or indirectly to the presidency of the Government, explain the reasons for the overexposure of ZP in this campaign that is going to be, surely, his worst political finishing touch, because he is in tandem with Sánchez in such a way that, in the end, the polls can collect two trajectories for the price of one. And the worst Adamism formulated by this ignorant ex-president will not be forgotten: that he and his government put an end to ETA. It takes a staunchly sectarian to maintain such a claim.

Vote by mail and polling stations

There is a broad consensus that the failure of Sánchez, a plausible hypothesis, although always dependent on Sunday's count, would be especially liberating for him and his entourage of supporters.. Deafening, inquisitorial, imposing, moralistic, canceling and politically correct progressivism has had its time and the future of societies behaves like the sections of a secular and endless book: by chapters. The one represented by Sánchez (the times in political science and constitutionalism always hang on the hanger of a name and surnames, here and in Sebastopol) submits to the popular verdict in a torrid and vacation month of July in which the Secretary General of the PSOE has despotically stressed the State and society.

And to the Post Office, which, despite its tremendous efforts, has not been able to handle a hasty and, in the end, materially impossible parcel. The responsibility lies with the president, not with the Post Office, but with the Government. It is difficult to accumulate as many errors as Sánchez has done greedily since last April 3, when the municipal and regional elections were called by royal decree signed by the King.

We must be cautious, however, because the heralds of tremendousism threaten the possibility of atomic bombs with scandalous ammunition that, despite anti-nuclear denials, could change the course of events.. It is improbable, but not improbable, in attention to the Biblical lesson of Samson: to die killing. Meanwhile, most wait, almost with anguish, for this embarrassing spectacle to end..