Who the hell rules in the PP?

The enthusiasm that the anti-ultra-right speech of María Guardiola has aroused in Extremadura explicitly denounces the surrender of the PP to Vox in other municipalities and communities, to the point of questioning the limits and aptitudes of Núñez Feijóo's leadership. The Valencia pact and the Mérida disagreement cannot be applauded at the same time, nor can all the confusion that the negotiations with Santiago Abascal's party drag on the excuse of plurality can be attributed to the excuse of plurality.

Have the territorial baronies gotten out of control for Feijóo? Was the president of the PP aware of the Levantine pairing and the Extremaduran divorce or was he not aware? Either hypothesis emphasizes the hierarchy problem. In one case, because Feijóo would not command the PP as a leader should. And in the other, because his problem would then consist in the criteria, if not in a kind of political bipolarity. The euphoria of the agreement in Valencia suffers from the abrupt rupture of Extremadura, more or less as if the candidate for Moncloa intended to satisfy the entire electorate. And as if the cliché of Galicianism exposed Escher's paradox from east (Valencia) to west (Extremadura): go down and go up at the same time.

María Guardiola, or María la Extremadura, as she likes to call herself, has set conceptual limits whose relevance and relevance spoil the collusion of the PP and Vox in local and regional pacts.

It would be unacceptable to govern with a party that denies gender violence, abjures climate change, emphasizes xenophobia, imposes the catechism, externalizes nationalism and threatens the rules of coexistence.

It is impressive that Guardiola's rejection of Vox has turned her into “the red baroness” —this is how El Mundo describes her—, although it is even more striking that they try to justify the agreements with the ultra-right, not because of the deterioration of principles but because of the purely arithmetic criteria.

In other words, the obscene embrace of Valencia would be justified because Vox exercises all its electoral power, while the disagreement in Extremadura would have to be reasoned with the unfounded blackmail of the extreme right: its discrete numbers do not allow it to abuse or aspire to governance.

The ambiguity unmasks the opportunism of the PP and its lack of convictions. Feijóo would have to endorse Guardiola's speech. And turn it into an exercise in political responsibility, assuming for the same reasons that a few investitures may fail..

What sense does it make to reproach Sánchez for his relationships with extremes and then reproduce his same perversions? It is preferable to preserve political decency than expose yourself to ideological and political bribery from the extreme right, but it is not clear that Feijóo controls the PP as might be supposed. This is demonstrated by the precariousness of the political and symbolic list of Madrid. The president of the PP has not managed to enlist relevant personalities. He has not achieved a signing of substance either. It has folded to Ayusismo. And it has turned a political personality as evanescent as Marta Rivera de la Cruz into number two..

It makes sense to ask who is at the controls of the PP. What president awaits us. And how can it be politically sustained that the Valencians deserve in Levante what they do not deserve in Extremadura?. Or the other way around.

It is likely that the swerves will not have an impact on Feijóo's electoral accounts. The victory predicted by the polls does not depend so much on the enthusiasm of his project as on the end of the regime. And of a game of inertia that surpasses the Valencian and Extremaduran situation.

It is the context in which Feijóo has begun to speculate with the tailwind. And to perfect a political artifact —an opportunistic hybrid— according to which Guardiola's bravery in the Mérida plaza has come in very handy to qualify Mazón's meekness in the Valencia arena.

one thing and the opposite. Feijóo wants to show us that he is not a prisoner of Vox. Or that it is only there where the numbers force it to swallow the principles, in such a way that a leadership without a leader or a leader without leadership emerges whose propulsion force is none other than the exhaustion of sanchismo.