Tag Archives: Democracy

Analyzing the Systemic Nature of Political Choices: Democracy, Economy, and Reforms

This week, we have the national conversation taken over by the heat and two summer snakes: Rubiales and Thailand. However, what is coming will be more lasting.. And also more dramatic.

There will be speculation and disqualifications, the hoaxes will be uncorked, the news will come to us tinged with reality television. We will see fog of war in the whole landscape of September.

But, despite everything, there will be a moment of truth: an investiture at a critical time for Spain. We will see efforts to water down its significance in the eyes of public opinion. The Sherpas of the ruling party are already leading the way, placing the epithet failed that Moncloa selected.

They will be followed by the Tertullian troop, with military enthusiasm and the additional task of continuing to whitewash the amnesty. And, meanwhile, from the digital side, will come the spread of all kinds of conspiracies around the PP.

The same authors who denounced —with great feigned moral scandal— the dehumanization of Sánchez script, shoot and project new and violent chapters in multichannel mode for the destruction of Feijóo. Populism is also distinguished by the victimization capacity displayed by the aggressor.

Speculations cannot be avoided. There are only three paths towards the viability of the investiture: four votes of the PSOE, the abstention of the PNV or the exit of the muchachada de Puigdemont. Everything seems to indicate that interest will be concentrated around the latter, who, for the moment, has not said “this mouth is mine” regarding the investiture of the popular.

The foreseeable thing is that he does not raise his cards until the end. His silence reinforces his position of strength. Sánchez is very demanding now, he has to accelerate to close his negotiation with the man from Girona before the Galician begins his investiture speech. The rest is Russian roulette.

And speeding up means giving up. Not signing where indicated in Waterloo is a high-risk move for those who have just seen death in the race to the polls. Seen like this, it seems clear that he has a problem. Seen in panoramic mode, the pressure of the separatists is a problem for our country. We are facing an all or nothing game.

Precisely for this reason, the first investiture will be a transcendent trance, because it will be systemic and the following will not. And the systemic or anti-systemic character of the next Executive will not be innocuous for our society.

When an investiture is systemic, a government program is presented that is basically structured around three pillars:

protecting democracy from deterioration while strengthening the cohesion of the country, protecting market freedom while expanding opportunities, and protecting the future while applies a series of reforms that prevent the obsolescence of the Administration.

It is at these three points that the central forces – social democracy, liberals and conservatives of Western democracies – meet. The alternation in the exercise of power between these ideological currents tells the story of progress after World War II, and the ability to understand each other marks stable political functioning in neighboring nations.

This alternation is not a mere game of nuances. It is very tangible. The differences between the consequences of government being one political color or another can be, and often are, enormous.. But always, always, they are irreversible consequences, because neither social democrats nor conservatives ever get out of what we have indicated as transcendental.

It is impossible for a Social Democrat to agree with the government program that Feijóo will present. Surely you will think that it is insufficient in terms of equality, or in the salary issue, or unambitious regarding the territorial. Now, you will not be able to argue that the PP is located in the space of the systemic —democracy, market economy and reforms—. So far, all normal.

The novelty lies in the fact that for that same social democrat it is intellectually impossible to classify the government program that Sánchez could present as a social democrat.. You will be able to use very respectable sentimental reasons to support it, but, rationally, you will not be able to justify it, because the roadmap will be genetically anti-systemic.

With regard to the health of democracy, its vital signs, a social democratic government does not dry up any path of understanding with the other central party, it does not violate the mechanisms of separation of powers, it does not seek legal shortcuts, it does not legislate ad hominem, it does not colonize institutions, it does not use public money in propaganda, it does not submit its action to the whim of minorities, it does not accept or listen to anything that could remotely resemble an attempt to erode or destroy the constitutional architecture. With the addition of Sánchez, all this cannot go less, it can only go more.

Regarding the market economy, a social democratic government does not take measures that impoverish the middle classes, it does not endanger legal certainty, it does not attack or threaten businessmen —or workers such as truckers, whom it insulted—, it does not crush the self-employed, it does not trigger public debt, it does not break the principle of intergenerational solidarity, it does not promote patronage of populists through subsidies that turn off social elevators, it does not buy recipes from the communists, it does not break the principle of equality between citizens of the same country, that is, it does not allow a kid born in Cádiz to have fewer opportunities than another born in Donosti. With the addition of Sánchez, all this cannot go less, it can only go more.

Regarding the reforms, a social democratic government does not deny the evident need for consensus, condemning society to block major issues, it does not obscure transparency when it is easier to increase it, it does not use health as an electoral tool when the need to update national scale, it does not instrumentalize foreign policy as if it were a catwalk, it does not give 180 degree changes as in Morocco without giving explanations in Parliament, it does not make Spanish an dispensable subject in the classroom, it does not admit that there are zones — as it happens with sports— which seem mired in corruption, does not tolerate even the slightest shadow of doubt about the security forces or the intelligence organs of the country, does not divide feminism by naming dogmatics that make their management the greatest horror. With the addition of Sánchez, all this cannot go less, it can only go more.

As a minor result of the previous evidence, whoever wants that sum without blushing intellectually can describe himself as an independentista, a nationalist, a communist, a populist or a sanchista if he prefers.

But, if only out of respect for the cause and even out of honesty, he should not define himself as a social democrat.

And as a major, transcendental result, we Spaniards are faced with the possibility of one or two investitures and with the certainty that only one will be systemic. With its shortcomings, sure. But democracy, economy and reforms.

Challenges and Frustrations: Ecuadorian Expats Navigate Turbulent Elections and Security Crisis

Gladys had everything ready from the very first hour. Ecuadorian flags, drink, food and Internet connection. His compatriots were arriving at his house in the Hortaleza neighborhood (Madrid) throughout the morning. They all wanted to vote together in the general elections in Ecuador on August 20.

It is the first time that everything is done electronically and they feared that there would be an altercation. María has been trying to vote since nine in the morning, but the page does not stop giving her an error. Eight people are already sitting around a round table in the courtyard, each with their mobile phone.

Sonia is in charge of helping the elderly with difficulties to understand the process. “Come on, it’s my turn, let’s see if there’s any luck,” says Eduardo Plaza, 70 years old. Two hours later, there was none.. Voting is being an odyssey.

Ecuadorians residing in Madrid have experienced two parallel realities during the last two months: on the one hand, the anguish and impotence due to the security crisis that their country is going through from a distance.

On the other, the exhaustion of the infinite virtual steps to follow to be able to vote in the elections. To “change things”, says Sonia, you have to vote; But it is not so easy. “The information has not been very fluid, they have assumed that we knew how to use the tools,” continues Eduardo.

In order to exercise their right, Ecuadorians living in Spain had to register on the electoral roll at the National Electoral Council (CNE).. Those who had problems, like Mercedes, 68, had to go to the Consulate to register.. “The vote is from nine to seven,” explains Sonia. It is three in the afternoon and, for the moment, only four of those present have managed to finish the process. It’s a mess: start it, wait for an email with a code that usually ends up in spam, enter the national identification number, take a selfie, choose the candidate… “I got an error again!” exclaims María.

Around 94,000 voters registered in the CNE register in Spain to participate in these elections. More than 18,000 did so in the Community of Madrid, the European region with the most Ecuadorian immigration (37,000).

A turbulent campaign

As each engages in a personal battle against their mobile device, they share their stories and opinions out loud.. “I can’t even vote for myself, it doesn’t work!” says Aída Quinatoa between laughs and frustration.

This lawyer and anti-eviction activist presents herself as an assembly member abroad for the Pachakatuik party, in defense of public policies.

“I wanted to vote for Fernando Villavicencio, but…”, explains Gladys.

The candidate was assassinated on August 9 at the exit of a rally. Gladys’s brother, an economist and journalist by profession, was a classmate of the politician at university. That day he went to see him at the event in Quito: they hugged and promised to greet each other properly after the event. That final meeting never happened: he was shot dead.

“He was a good person”, thinks Gladys. This electoral campaign was marked mainly by the security crisis. The Fernando Villavicencio thing was just the tip of the iceberg of the problem that the country is going through.

The culmination of a phenomenon that has permeated Ecuadorian society for four years: the rates of violence are soaring in a nation that, in the eighties, was considered “the island of peace.”. Days after the assassination of the presidential candidate, a local leader close to former President Rafael Correa was also shot in the province of Esmeralda.

Now there is restlessness, fear and unpredictable days. In 2022, more than 4,500 deaths due to violence were registered and only so far this year, that figure exceeds 3,500. The numbers suggest that the record for blood murders will be broken.

Everyone fears for their relatives on the other side of the pond. “My brother-in-law was kidnapped for two days three months ago. He is traumatized. They took $2,000 from him and released him on the condition that he hand over another $16,000 the next day. He did so, if they didn’t kill him,” explains Eduardo.

Others confronted those known as “vaccinators.” Cruz Zhimay, 58, has not come to this meeting of locals because she is at the airport to pick up her daughter , but he shares his story with this newspaper: “My family opened a boutique in the center of Cuenca last year. They broke in to steal every week and the police did nothing. Then came the vaccinators, who charge you a fee per month in exchange for not being mugged,” he explains by phone. Finally, they closed the business.

Between chat and chat, the phone rings.

—Okay, now we make a video call and see it—, answers Sonia.

Ecuadorians who are having trouble voting try to seek help.

Those present at Gladys’ house are children of the massive migration to Europe and the United States between 1999 and the beginning of the two thousand. Ecuador was going through a strong economic crisis of an inflationary type —which especially impoverished the middle classes— which culminated, among other things, in the dollarization of Ecuador.

Beatriz Penagos, a resident of Móstoles, acknowledges how before “we boasted of being a peaceful place”, and now she fears for the safety of her daughter and her two granddaughters. She has nine years left to retire: “If things were better, I would leave now”.

How has this ancient haven of Latin American peace come to this situation? What underlies the shootings, threats and extortions is the increase in power that criminal gangs have acquired in recent years.. Although Ecuador was known as a kind of peaceful oasis in the middle of two conflicting nations —Peru and Colombia—, the reality is no longer the same.

The country also had criminal groups that had been operating in the region for decades, but things started to get worse when the Jalisco and Sinaloa cartels gained power inside Ecuador’s borders.. The Albanian mafia was not far behind and also found a place in the country. Now, Ecuador is a major drug operations center.

“It is a failed democracy,” reflects Eduardo Plaza. Both he and Sonia declare that they voted for Guillermo Lasso —who dissolved the Assembly and called early elections— just to prevent correísmo from returning to power, but without being very convinced of his candidacy. “His government has been lousy,” he explains.

Plaza acknowledges that he was a faithful defender of Correa in his early days. Now, no one convinces him. Rafael Correa was the president of the Andean country from 2007 to 2017. During their terms, the ports were privatized. In those years, violence took off in prisons and spread outside the cells.

Local criminal groups—Los Lobos or Los Choneros—began to establish ties with Mexican and Albanian bigwigs and cross-border fighting broke out for control of the merchandise. A proxy war where Ecuadorians are in hand-to-hand combat.

All this has caused a certain feeling of boredom among the population of the Andean country. President Correa has been sentenced to eight years for corruption. The Prosecutor’s Office also requests preventive detention for bribery of his successor, Lenin Moreno.

And Guillermo Lasso’s supposed attempts to improve the situation backfired. The point is that those who have a passport from the Andean country admit to feeling “fear”. According to the Latinobarómetro 2023 Report: the democratic recession of Latin America, 87% of Ecuadorians are dissatisfied with their democracy. And only 37% support the implementation of a democratic system, while another 37% are “indifferent” to the type of regime.

The study shows that Ecuador has as many democrats as indifferent. A breeding ground for authoritarianism. “This is how he faces the political crisis of extraordinary elections in August 2023, with democratic weakness and a high contingent of citizens prone to populism. We understand the indifference to the type of regime and the preference for authoritarianism as fertile ground for populism,” the experts warn.

The call for early elections caught them by surprise. Residents in Spain understand that the vote is telematic because, in just three months, it was too hasty to organize face-to-face elections. But they hoped the system would work a little better.. Sonia acknowledges that she maintains the hope that her country will prosper. If not, “what do we have left?“, he wonders.

At seven in the evening the term closed. Only four of the eight people who came to Gladys’ house were able to vote. “I have received more than 10 calls in a row from outraged people. It just can’t be”. This Monday at 10 in the morning they will gather in front of the Madrid Consulate to protest the voting system.